Why choose to run again? The first reason – and I suppose the most important one – is that I know I can do the job. I spent my year of "vacation" occupying myself mostly with SPI, normal administrative work, and implication at the Foundation level and find myself again with the energy I no longer had at the end of my previous terms.
Some people have described me as a "baseline candidate", and that's probably not far from the truth. I'm not the most flamboyant or revolutionary of candidates, but I have a solid track record of getting the job done. I think this is something the committee needs at this time: the past year has seen a bit too much shooting from the hip, and I think the more measured approach of 2010-2011 is desirable.
Finally, I think that this year has a regrettable paucity of candidates for the job (despite the impressively high quality of the selection). I'd be lying if I said the job was easy, or that I didn't understand why many would hesitate to step forward to so much scrutiny in order to get a seat that seems to bring so much aggravation. Nevertheless, I believe it's important that the voters have a meaningful choice between several good candidates in order to keep the committee healthy; it works best when it is diverse and representative.
I am already identified with the foundation [1] and have no undisclosed user accounts. I have a few bot accounts, only one of which is nominally active: CorenBlockMonBot, CorenANIBot, CorenSearchBot, CorenGoogleBot, and one doppelgänger that never edited to protect my real name. — Coren (talk) 23:44, 18 November 2012 (UTC)
Arbitration Committee Election 2012 candidate:
Coren
|
Candidates are advised to answer each of these questions completely but concisely. Candidates may refuse to answer any questions that they do not wish to, with the understanding, however, that not answering a question may be perceived negatively by the community.
Note that disclosure of your account history, pursuant to the ArbCom selection and appointment policy, must be made in your opening statement, and is not an optional question.
The most likely factors to affect my decision is whether the editor for which sanctions are considered is likely to be able to contribute positively in some other capacity, or whether they are repeat offenders.
A significant factor causing disputes to reach committee is when existing policy and practice is ambiguous or contradictory, and the parties lie on different interpretations. Unless the committee clarifies matters – or finds a way to allow the community to do so – we can't actually resolve the dispute; just delay its escalation.
We have, today, the power to ruin people's lives. This requires us to be responsible and to always err on the side of caution. We are not a tabloid, nor should we be.
Perhaps it's by making binding mechanism to settle issues (as has been done occasionally in the past), or by placing specific criteria on disputed topics, for instance (say, whether some kinds of sources are or are not appropriate for an article, etc).
The exact nature of that increased involvement would need a great deal of community discussion, of course, but it's undeniable that many long-lasting disputes could be helped that way.
A motion is not appropriate if the facts are disputed, or if it's important that the situation be discussed and examined in detail before a reasonable solution be taken. I'd argue that any situation too complex to summarise adequately in a paragraph probably needs a full case.
The problem with the idea that the committee could not override community consensus is that I don't remember having ever seen community consensus expressed. Consensus of involved parties, often. Consensus of a fraction of active followers of a dispute or noticeboard, also common. Consensus of the entire community? It's not even possible to define, let alone evaluate (do you include readers? The foundation? Other projects?). Yes, the Committee can, and should, override a local consensus when it goes against policy or our fundamental principles. Even if all the editors involved in an articled agreed to make it a partisan screed, NPOV is not negotiable.
No, the committee should not intervene in cases where its help has not been unsolicited except in cases related to privacy-related information (like checkuser) or imminent danger to the project. That said, we should encourage the community to come to the Committee earlier when problems arise, before they become intractable messes. This includes making it easier to request intervention.
Some of them, however, could only be charitably qualified as clusterfucks ( MF mess, RF mess) and show too much eagerness for the facile shortcut of motion work where something else would have been better. And a motion on procedure for motions? Really? Bureaucracy much?
The other reason is that sometimes the discussion between arbs can be... robust. This is a side effect of having so many different approaches and perspectives, but the result is strength: what can survive the trial by fire of internal discussion ends up being more carefully considered as a result. I would expect that most of the more... baroque actions from this year's committee did not involve such internal discussion away from public view. In public, that healthy debate could not take place without arbitrators having to measure every word, and the timid debate would lead to weaker consideration.
The community itself, however, has no such right where it conflicts with our privacy policies; those editors who have a personal interest may certainly inquire, but ArbCom proceedings are not a spectacle; privacy and respect override curiosity and desire to be in the know.
We need a content dispute resolution mechanism, and I'm pretty sure ArbCom isn't it (at least, not like it works now).
In the meantime, we work at the symptoms and try to keep things under control with added scrutiny and empowering uninvolved administrators to keep the heat low.
I know the Foundation is expending no small effort looking into this matter; and I expect they are in a better position than we are, and have better resources than we do, to try and puzzle it out.
I think, however, that the biggest problems in 2012 wasn't in how some cases were mishandled, but how so many requests were mishandled. The current committee refused to take a number of cases it really should have which resulted in situations deteriorating beyond salvaging, and make people reticent from bring problems to ArbCom. Worse yet, some intemperate fighting by the arbitrators in requests have led to situations getting worse. It's the committee's job to hear the cases the community brings to them – not all of them are ripe for arbitration, but if you raise the bar so high nothing short of nuclear warfare (no relation) can meet it, then you've failed the community at your primary purpose.
Please ask your individual questions here. While there is no limit on the number of questions that may be asked, please try to keep questions relevant. Try to be as clear and concise as possible, and avoid duplicating questions that have already been asked.
Add your questions below the line using the following markup:
#Question:
#:A:
I apologize for bringing the first of an "onslaught" of questions, but I do have a few concerns.
Wikipedia requires a lot of people to do a lot of very different jobs to work right. You need good writers, researchers, copy editors, vandal fighters, people who do cleanup work, formatting gnomes, categorizing gurus, bot writers, technical expertise on templates, checkusers manning SPI, diplomats and mediators, people working at quality assessment, welcoming committees and guidance, front line user support (OTRS), etc, etc.
The committee, ideally, should be a representative sample of all of those "jobs"; none of them are "unimportant", all need to be done, and each one of them should be understood by the committee.
I use the answers to these questions to write my election guide. In past years, I have gone strictly based on points, as I was not familiar with candidates; that is no longer true. This year, I reserve the right to deviate from this past practice, but missing answers will still be noted. Also, I may be asking about specific things outside the scope of ArbCom; your answers would be appreciated regardless.
The questions are similar to those I asked in 2007, 2008, 2009, 2010, and 2011; if you've already answered them, feel free to borrow from those, but make sure the question has not been reworded.
It's also a little dangerous, because it favours the creation of echo chambers. So long as the project is inclusive, not exclusive, it's a net positive. Like all power tools: "handle with care".
I have always considered that misbehaviour is misbehaviour; I oppose calculations of "net positive / net negative". Behaviour that wouldn't be tolerated from a newbie is no more tolerable because it comes from someone's buddy or a long-time contributor. Period.
That said, unless it's habitual, that one was reacting to provocation can be a consideration in sanctions or remedies. Someone who ends up over and over again in that situation does have a problem, though, and needs to learn to disengage from the person/topic/project or will need to be separated.
Yes, I believe ArbCom can (and, indeed, has a duty to) intervene in any case of admin (or other right) abuse that it becomes aware of, regardless of how.
And, yes, if the effects of something that happened on another projects reach here, then authentic evidence is valid even if it comes from another project. Their logs are just as good as ours.
Thank you.
Rs
chen
7754
00:19, 1 September 2012 (UTC)
Indeed, I feel so strongly about this that I attempted to get the Committee to take notice in 2011 over the Santorum mess. Arbitration/Requests/Case/Manipulation of BLPs, the result, was an exercise in wishy-washy timidity I still think is one of worst handled cases of recent years – or more precisely it was wasn't handled, the committee carefully avoiding saying anything of substance.
I'm really hoping that the people who read your question and your notes on the various candidates' pages get the hint to start such a discussion. I'd be entirely receptive to collaborating with that effort as a member of the committee, but it needs to come from the community first.
There's also a related issue, the "rules". Some contributors see the rules as being there to serve the community, while others appear to see the community as being there to serve the rules. I strongly favour the former, and I see the "rules" as closer to being guidelines that should be intelligently applied to each individual situation (with a few obvious "bright line" rules that need to be applied unconditionally). But I see many people (including many admins) who apply rules firmly and unconditionally.
How would your approach to the issues of authority and the rules manifest itself in your ArbCom actions?
This neatly rejoins the second part of your question, because one of the easiest way to reach an authoritative decision is to have a rule to apply. But that is also the facile way of reaching a decision, and must be tempered with judgement and deliberation, not applied blindly.
So, as an arbitrator, I see the rules as proven, workable tools to reach decisions that – like all other tools – must be applied with care and for the right purposes. The community relies on us to settle things with authoritative decisions so they can move on, our job is to examine the situation and find the right tools to reach them.
It doesn't mean never loosing one's temper, it means not treating people you're angry with like crap. You don't have to call someone an "idiot" to treat them like idiots. Being rough around the edges or using strong language isn't a problem, routinely telling people you disagree with to "fuck off" is – not because you used the word "fuck" but because it shows lack of respect.
In the end, it's all about treating other editors as peers, not as plebs that can't possibly understand your genius, or as adversaries. That is what the civility pillar is about: work with each other.
There isn't much point it pre-emptively ousting inactive arbitrators; there is no mechanism to refill the seat until the next year anyways.
My first reflex would probably be (a) above, giving the opportunity to back off without loosing face. In general, it serves to be compassionate and avoid publicly tarnishing someone's reputation if the end result is the same (in your hypothetical, avoiding a possibly disastrous reelection that would necessitate public disclosure and a guaranteed messy drama).
On the other hand, saying something that is untrue is something that (a) I will never do, and (b) will never tolerate one of my colleagues to do. There may be cases when keeping silent is best, but lying is an unforgivable offense from the members of the small group of editors entrusted with what is – in effect – our judicial system. We have to be able to place complete trust in the honesty of our arbitrators, because they are often the only persons even allowed to see the evidence and information.
The committee is often placed in a position where we have to intervene with "Trust us" as the only rationale; if the community is to trust us, then it need to know that we won't lie to them. Ever.
On the second part of your question, it depends on one thing: was it the lie of an arbitrator in their role, or the lie of an editor? The latter is a poor reflection on one's character, the former is cause for demanding an immediate resignation, and a motion to eject from the committee if it is not forthcoming.
Please do not feel the need to answer all my questions. I've listed the topics that I'm most interested in; see my note below. The other questions can be left unanswered if you don't have the time or inclination to answer all the questions. Cunard ( talk) 04:47, 22 November 2012 (UTC)
It's not a hard rule; there may be cases where it's appropriate or helpful for a sitting arbitrator to chime in, and not every one places that line at the same place.
Part of the discussion is about whether admins can summarily overturn non-admin closes of RfCs. Suppose that a non-admin editor in good standing closes an RfC. The non-admin was not involved in the discussion and has not previously expressed an opinion about the topic. An editor disagrees with the close and requests admin review. Should an admin be able to summarily overturn a non-admin RfC close?
Arguments for: (i) the safeguard is necessary in case the closer is inexperienced, (ii) having been through an RfA, admins are entrusted by the community to assess the consensus in discussions, and (iii) this would parallel other processes. Wikipedia:Deletion process#Non-administrators closing discussions states, "Decisions are subject to review and may be reopened by any administrator." Wikipedia:Requested moves/Closing instructions#Non-admin closure states, "All non-admin closures are subject to review by an admin; but if the conditions listed above are met, the mere fact that the closer was not an admin is not sufficient reason to reverse a closure."
Arguments against: (i) admins do not have the exclusive power or special competence to rule on content outside of XfD (which in the case of deletion requires the admin flag), (ii) non-admins who have spent hours reading a discussion and summarizing the consensus should be given more respect, and (iii) summarily overturning closes discourages non-admins from closing RfCs, which will aggravate the perpetually backlogged Wikipedia:Administrators' noticeboard/Requests for closure. A large number of the closers at Wikipedia:Administrators' noticeboard/Requests for closure/Archive 4 are non-admins.
Should an admin be able to summarily overturn a non-admin RfC close?
Notice I said "experienced editor" above, and not "administrator". In theory, an experienced editor that is not an administrator is just as qualified for a close as an administrator, but having the bit is readily-recognized shorthand for "is experienced and holds a measure of community trust" which is why this is what most people look for.
Deletion discussions have the review process
Wikipedia:Deletion review, and move discussions have the review process
Wikipedia:Move review. There is currently no formal process for reviewing RfC closes. Recently several RfC closes have been contested. See "
So what happens with disputed closes", the closing comment
here ("The more complex question that emerged about who can close and/or reopen RfCs does not seem to have been answered but it's my judgement that it's not going to be satisfactorily answered in this forum."),
Wikipedia:Administrators' noticeboard/Requests for closure/Archive 5#Talk:Autopsy images of Ngatikaura Ngati#RFC on image inclusion, and
Wikipedia:Administrators' noticeboard/Archive240#NAC, supervote and vote counting for several recent examples.
Do you agree or disagree that an RfC can be overturned by community consensus at
WP:AN? Describe how you believe an RfC close review should be like in terms of its format:
Wikipedia:Deletion review,
Wikipedia:Move review, or something else.
It is evident to me that this past year, the committee has deliberated a great deal less in private before acting (no doubt due in part to the influence of the new arbitrators who believe that such discussions are best held in public). The result, as many have observed, is entirely negative: the committee appeared indecisive and divided, and made a serious mess of a number of interventions by "throwing stuff at the wall to see what sticks", managing to confuse and anger very many people in doing so. All of that would have been prevented by some serious debating in private before posting motion after motion.
See for example User talk:AGK/Archive/75#Agk regarding this case request.
See also for example User talk:SilkTork/Archive2/Archive 8#Forgetting something?. Arbitrator SilkTork ( talk · contribs) wrote, "I'm uncomfortable with the notion that a Committee member should recuse because someone expressed dissatisfaction with some action they made, particularly when it was over three years ago and didn't lead to any dispute. There is a thought that it wouldn't do any personal harm if I recused, and I can see that, but I don't want to set a precedent that a user can get a Committee member to recuse simply by disagreeing with them."
Describe your criteria for recusing when a party request you to recuse.
It occurred once or twice in the three years I have been on the committee that I saw no reason to recuse but where uninvolved observers observed that it would be better if I did. I did recuse in those cases.
If you have a strong opinion about the topic and would have recused from closing the discussion, how would you have voted?
I would endorse.
Consensus can override that presumption. That is why we discuss the matter, not just unilaterally undo.
It is to be noted, however, that if the same policy is continually shown to go contrary to where the consensus lies, it's probably a signal that there is evidence the policy needs to be re-examined and discussed. Wikipedia isn't static, after all, and consensus does change (although some things are part of what Wikipedia is and cannot – should not – be changed. No matter how many people agree, NPOV cannot be ignored in an article for instance).
Do you agree with his position on building in delays for single-party arbitration cases? If yes, describe how would you have built in a delay for EncycloPetey.
An important part of what's required of administrators is their responsiveness to concerns about their actions – you can't just hide on other projects hoping everyone drops the matter during your absence.
That was not a normal incident.
What Jclemens did is a nasty little rhetorical manoeuvre called dehumanization, however he chooses to word or reword it. Making the enemy "them" as opposed to "other persons", is the kind of propaganda you expect in wartime when you're trying to convince people to join up the army without the volunteers thinking too hard about the "killing other people" bit.
Even if Jclemens was entirely correct in the substance and that Malleus needed to be banned with no delay, such rhetoric has no place here, or in any civilized venue.
Do you agree or disagree with his opinion?
Do you agree or disagree with his need to have "an insanely high bar" to ban users from RfA?
I have asked many questions here. If you are short on time or do not want to answer all the questions, please do not feel that you need to answer all my questions. I am most interested in your answers to #RfC closes, #Transparency, and #Civility case clarification request, so please concentrate on those questions, answer other questions on topics that interest you, and skip the rest if you want.
Thank you for running to be on the Arbitration Committee. I look forward to your answers to my questions. Best, Cunard ( talk) 04:47, 22 November 2012 (UTC)
How do you feel about the concept of committee solidarity, i.e. all members of the committee standing by a decision that has been made in accord with committee processes? If you are elected, will you personally be able to publicly uphold the considered decision of the Committee as a whole, even if the position you took did not receive majority support? How would you deal with a situation in which you have a strongly held position that is not supported by the Committee as a whole?
I'll look forward to reading your response. Risker ( talk) 08:17, 24 November 2012 (UTC)
In fact, I would think that an arbitrator willfully disregarding a decision from the committee is grounds for an immediate vote for their expulsion.
Is it an arbitration body we want? Do you think that's what we have? It doesn't seem to arbitrate at all, most of the time, it sits in judgement and hands down sanctions from on high. That's not the same thing at all. Do you think, instead, we've ended up with GOVCOM, complete with all the lovely political trimmings that brings along. If you think that's true - how did we get here, and is this where we want to be?
The obvious consequence of having a body that makes final decisions is that, pretty much by definition, there is going to be at every such decision at least one "side" of the dispute who is going to be incensed by a decision being obviously wrong (since it wasn't the one they wanted). Thus, ArbCom becomes The Man; the "wielder of arbitrary authority blind to common sense and its basic duties (i.e. do what I wanted)". "GOVCOM" is just one of many sobriquets invented to express displeasure at that concept. (I'm personally fond of "Arbitrary Committee" myself; it's much funnier that most).
I think that, on the whole, our process is fairly clean: I would think that most voters vote on substance, and most arbitrators vote along their concience and not their campaign. I don't think what problems there might be are avoidable; we just have to be careful to understand their existence and take them into account.
I am confident that you would remember this case request (which you initiated). I would like to ask some questions based on it, and I thank you in advance for your views. EdChem ( talk) 10:38, 30 November 2012 (UTC)
It never occured to me to "exclude" my actions from the case, but they were just one of many identical incidents in which some administrator attempted to block Giano immediately followed by an unblock by some other administrator making any attempts at enforcing community standards impossible; that was the worrying pattern and not the specific unblock done by John. Hence peripheral. There would have been little point in involving every admin who ever blocked or unblocked Giano in the case – me and John just being the latest in a long history.
No, I'm not going to start compiling evidence or dredge up this matter from the gutter at this time. Dragging up past ills and trying to create drama over history is exactly part of what I felt was one of Giano's worst behaviour problems and I'm certainly not going to indulge it in myself.
As to the second part of your question; I have, like every other arbitrator, been in my share of disputes and heated arguments on the list. Where those disputes had an on-wiki effect, their results were discussed on-wiki – as they should be (be it by votes in a case, or by my own independent actions).
I would say that, as a rule, involvement with a party to an RfC (as opposed to involvement in the dispute itself) does not preclude closing it – the RfC is about the substance of the issue after all and not the participants. Of course, this doesn't apply to an RFC/U. Furthermore, participation in a discussion about sanctions for an editor does not in itself create an involvment the way we mean on Wikipedia. But again, that's tempered by the nature of that participation (e.g. did you participate in the discussion because you were involved in the underlying dispute, or because you opined on a public request).
In other words, the general answer is "it depends on the whole context".
All that said, in particularily prominent cases, it might be wiser to abstain from closing the RfC if only to avoid the appearance of impropriety. I don't think that having done so regardless is especially problematic, but a pattern of such lapses would raise questions.
While I appreciate the intent and the work behind that survey, its methodology is so severely flawed as to render it harmful. In the first place, there is little probative value to be found in a survey where the respondants are self-selected, even if it had been written by experts who understand the critical importance of the wording and structure of the questions. Worse yet, by making the responses a public exercise you guarantee that the responses are going to be worthless. Whether by design or by accident, that questionnaire ended up being a push poll.
I welcome further discussion of my stance on civility enforcement (either as follow up questions or on the talk page), but I don't think that questionnaire is the right place to do it.
A good rule of thumb is to use the "least" sanction that is likely to solve the problem while still allowing as much positive participation by the editor in the future. If the problem is widespread, or has already shifted from place to place, then a site ban becomes the only option left.
There is an eminently destructive effect to unequal enforcement of the rules: editors will see (rightly) that treatment as fundamentally unjust (why did I get sanctionned and he didn't for the same thing), and it will encourage further misbehaviour (X got away with it, there's no reason I shouldn't do it too).
It's not, by far, the most important factor; enforcement for the sake of enforcement is just stupid. But if you don't take that into account, then there are long term consequences.
I think a better analogy is that of a store manager refusing entry to a customer that has caused damage or keeps yelling at other patrons. Ultimately, we're comunally-managed private property and while we'd love to welcome everyone, we can't allow disturbances that detract everyone else from what we're trying to do.
Thanks, -- Piotr Konieczny aka Prokonsul Piotrus| reply here 22:30, 6 December 2012 (UTC)
While there is nothing especially wrong with occasional profanity is some contexts ("fuck[ing]" as an intensifier, for instance, is not especially outrageous and has lost most of its shock value), the idea that it is somehow desirable because it... brings everyone down to the same level(?) is patently ridiculous. I don't know where that originated, but it was good for a chuckle. I really, truly hope that was a pastiche or sarcasm.
Why choose to run again? The first reason – and I suppose the most important one – is that I know I can do the job. I spent my year of "vacation" occupying myself mostly with SPI, normal administrative work, and implication at the Foundation level and find myself again with the energy I no longer had at the end of my previous terms.
Some people have described me as a "baseline candidate", and that's probably not far from the truth. I'm not the most flamboyant or revolutionary of candidates, but I have a solid track record of getting the job done. I think this is something the committee needs at this time: the past year has seen a bit too much shooting from the hip, and I think the more measured approach of 2010-2011 is desirable.
Finally, I think that this year has a regrettable paucity of candidates for the job (despite the impressively high quality of the selection). I'd be lying if I said the job was easy, or that I didn't understand why many would hesitate to step forward to so much scrutiny in order to get a seat that seems to bring so much aggravation. Nevertheless, I believe it's important that the voters have a meaningful choice between several good candidates in order to keep the committee healthy; it works best when it is diverse and representative.
I am already identified with the foundation [1] and have no undisclosed user accounts. I have a few bot accounts, only one of which is nominally active: CorenBlockMonBot, CorenANIBot, CorenSearchBot, CorenGoogleBot, and one doppelgänger that never edited to protect my real name. — Coren (talk) 23:44, 18 November 2012 (UTC)
Arbitration Committee Election 2012 candidate:
Coren
|
Candidates are advised to answer each of these questions completely but concisely. Candidates may refuse to answer any questions that they do not wish to, with the understanding, however, that not answering a question may be perceived negatively by the community.
Note that disclosure of your account history, pursuant to the ArbCom selection and appointment policy, must be made in your opening statement, and is not an optional question.
The most likely factors to affect my decision is whether the editor for which sanctions are considered is likely to be able to contribute positively in some other capacity, or whether they are repeat offenders.
A significant factor causing disputes to reach committee is when existing policy and practice is ambiguous or contradictory, and the parties lie on different interpretations. Unless the committee clarifies matters – or finds a way to allow the community to do so – we can't actually resolve the dispute; just delay its escalation.
We have, today, the power to ruin people's lives. This requires us to be responsible and to always err on the side of caution. We are not a tabloid, nor should we be.
Perhaps it's by making binding mechanism to settle issues (as has been done occasionally in the past), or by placing specific criteria on disputed topics, for instance (say, whether some kinds of sources are or are not appropriate for an article, etc).
The exact nature of that increased involvement would need a great deal of community discussion, of course, but it's undeniable that many long-lasting disputes could be helped that way.
A motion is not appropriate if the facts are disputed, or if it's important that the situation be discussed and examined in detail before a reasonable solution be taken. I'd argue that any situation too complex to summarise adequately in a paragraph probably needs a full case.
The problem with the idea that the committee could not override community consensus is that I don't remember having ever seen community consensus expressed. Consensus of involved parties, often. Consensus of a fraction of active followers of a dispute or noticeboard, also common. Consensus of the entire community? It's not even possible to define, let alone evaluate (do you include readers? The foundation? Other projects?). Yes, the Committee can, and should, override a local consensus when it goes against policy or our fundamental principles. Even if all the editors involved in an articled agreed to make it a partisan screed, NPOV is not negotiable.
No, the committee should not intervene in cases where its help has not been unsolicited except in cases related to privacy-related information (like checkuser) or imminent danger to the project. That said, we should encourage the community to come to the Committee earlier when problems arise, before they become intractable messes. This includes making it easier to request intervention.
Some of them, however, could only be charitably qualified as clusterfucks ( MF mess, RF mess) and show too much eagerness for the facile shortcut of motion work where something else would have been better. And a motion on procedure for motions? Really? Bureaucracy much?
The other reason is that sometimes the discussion between arbs can be... robust. This is a side effect of having so many different approaches and perspectives, but the result is strength: what can survive the trial by fire of internal discussion ends up being more carefully considered as a result. I would expect that most of the more... baroque actions from this year's committee did not involve such internal discussion away from public view. In public, that healthy debate could not take place without arbitrators having to measure every word, and the timid debate would lead to weaker consideration.
The community itself, however, has no such right where it conflicts with our privacy policies; those editors who have a personal interest may certainly inquire, but ArbCom proceedings are not a spectacle; privacy and respect override curiosity and desire to be in the know.
We need a content dispute resolution mechanism, and I'm pretty sure ArbCom isn't it (at least, not like it works now).
In the meantime, we work at the symptoms and try to keep things under control with added scrutiny and empowering uninvolved administrators to keep the heat low.
I know the Foundation is expending no small effort looking into this matter; and I expect they are in a better position than we are, and have better resources than we do, to try and puzzle it out.
I think, however, that the biggest problems in 2012 wasn't in how some cases were mishandled, but how so many requests were mishandled. The current committee refused to take a number of cases it really should have which resulted in situations deteriorating beyond salvaging, and make people reticent from bring problems to ArbCom. Worse yet, some intemperate fighting by the arbitrators in requests have led to situations getting worse. It's the committee's job to hear the cases the community brings to them – not all of them are ripe for arbitration, but if you raise the bar so high nothing short of nuclear warfare (no relation) can meet it, then you've failed the community at your primary purpose.
Please ask your individual questions here. While there is no limit on the number of questions that may be asked, please try to keep questions relevant. Try to be as clear and concise as possible, and avoid duplicating questions that have already been asked.
Add your questions below the line using the following markup:
#Question:
#:A:
I apologize for bringing the first of an "onslaught" of questions, but I do have a few concerns.
Wikipedia requires a lot of people to do a lot of very different jobs to work right. You need good writers, researchers, copy editors, vandal fighters, people who do cleanup work, formatting gnomes, categorizing gurus, bot writers, technical expertise on templates, checkusers manning SPI, diplomats and mediators, people working at quality assessment, welcoming committees and guidance, front line user support (OTRS), etc, etc.
The committee, ideally, should be a representative sample of all of those "jobs"; none of them are "unimportant", all need to be done, and each one of them should be understood by the committee.
I use the answers to these questions to write my election guide. In past years, I have gone strictly based on points, as I was not familiar with candidates; that is no longer true. This year, I reserve the right to deviate from this past practice, but missing answers will still be noted. Also, I may be asking about specific things outside the scope of ArbCom; your answers would be appreciated regardless.
The questions are similar to those I asked in 2007, 2008, 2009, 2010, and 2011; if you've already answered them, feel free to borrow from those, but make sure the question has not been reworded.
It's also a little dangerous, because it favours the creation of echo chambers. So long as the project is inclusive, not exclusive, it's a net positive. Like all power tools: "handle with care".
I have always considered that misbehaviour is misbehaviour; I oppose calculations of "net positive / net negative". Behaviour that wouldn't be tolerated from a newbie is no more tolerable because it comes from someone's buddy or a long-time contributor. Period.
That said, unless it's habitual, that one was reacting to provocation can be a consideration in sanctions or remedies. Someone who ends up over and over again in that situation does have a problem, though, and needs to learn to disengage from the person/topic/project or will need to be separated.
Yes, I believe ArbCom can (and, indeed, has a duty to) intervene in any case of admin (or other right) abuse that it becomes aware of, regardless of how.
And, yes, if the effects of something that happened on another projects reach here, then authentic evidence is valid even if it comes from another project. Their logs are just as good as ours.
Thank you.
Rs
chen
7754
00:19, 1 September 2012 (UTC)
Indeed, I feel so strongly about this that I attempted to get the Committee to take notice in 2011 over the Santorum mess. Arbitration/Requests/Case/Manipulation of BLPs, the result, was an exercise in wishy-washy timidity I still think is one of worst handled cases of recent years – or more precisely it was wasn't handled, the committee carefully avoiding saying anything of substance.
I'm really hoping that the people who read your question and your notes on the various candidates' pages get the hint to start such a discussion. I'd be entirely receptive to collaborating with that effort as a member of the committee, but it needs to come from the community first.
There's also a related issue, the "rules". Some contributors see the rules as being there to serve the community, while others appear to see the community as being there to serve the rules. I strongly favour the former, and I see the "rules" as closer to being guidelines that should be intelligently applied to each individual situation (with a few obvious "bright line" rules that need to be applied unconditionally). But I see many people (including many admins) who apply rules firmly and unconditionally.
How would your approach to the issues of authority and the rules manifest itself in your ArbCom actions?
This neatly rejoins the second part of your question, because one of the easiest way to reach an authoritative decision is to have a rule to apply. But that is also the facile way of reaching a decision, and must be tempered with judgement and deliberation, not applied blindly.
So, as an arbitrator, I see the rules as proven, workable tools to reach decisions that – like all other tools – must be applied with care and for the right purposes. The community relies on us to settle things with authoritative decisions so they can move on, our job is to examine the situation and find the right tools to reach them.
It doesn't mean never loosing one's temper, it means not treating people you're angry with like crap. You don't have to call someone an "idiot" to treat them like idiots. Being rough around the edges or using strong language isn't a problem, routinely telling people you disagree with to "fuck off" is – not because you used the word "fuck" but because it shows lack of respect.
In the end, it's all about treating other editors as peers, not as plebs that can't possibly understand your genius, or as adversaries. That is what the civility pillar is about: work with each other.
There isn't much point it pre-emptively ousting inactive arbitrators; there is no mechanism to refill the seat until the next year anyways.
My first reflex would probably be (a) above, giving the opportunity to back off without loosing face. In general, it serves to be compassionate and avoid publicly tarnishing someone's reputation if the end result is the same (in your hypothetical, avoiding a possibly disastrous reelection that would necessitate public disclosure and a guaranteed messy drama).
On the other hand, saying something that is untrue is something that (a) I will never do, and (b) will never tolerate one of my colleagues to do. There may be cases when keeping silent is best, but lying is an unforgivable offense from the members of the small group of editors entrusted with what is – in effect – our judicial system. We have to be able to place complete trust in the honesty of our arbitrators, because they are often the only persons even allowed to see the evidence and information.
The committee is often placed in a position where we have to intervene with "Trust us" as the only rationale; if the community is to trust us, then it need to know that we won't lie to them. Ever.
On the second part of your question, it depends on one thing: was it the lie of an arbitrator in their role, or the lie of an editor? The latter is a poor reflection on one's character, the former is cause for demanding an immediate resignation, and a motion to eject from the committee if it is not forthcoming.
Please do not feel the need to answer all my questions. I've listed the topics that I'm most interested in; see my note below. The other questions can be left unanswered if you don't have the time or inclination to answer all the questions. Cunard ( talk) 04:47, 22 November 2012 (UTC)
It's not a hard rule; there may be cases where it's appropriate or helpful for a sitting arbitrator to chime in, and not every one places that line at the same place.
Part of the discussion is about whether admins can summarily overturn non-admin closes of RfCs. Suppose that a non-admin editor in good standing closes an RfC. The non-admin was not involved in the discussion and has not previously expressed an opinion about the topic. An editor disagrees with the close and requests admin review. Should an admin be able to summarily overturn a non-admin RfC close?
Arguments for: (i) the safeguard is necessary in case the closer is inexperienced, (ii) having been through an RfA, admins are entrusted by the community to assess the consensus in discussions, and (iii) this would parallel other processes. Wikipedia:Deletion process#Non-administrators closing discussions states, "Decisions are subject to review and may be reopened by any administrator." Wikipedia:Requested moves/Closing instructions#Non-admin closure states, "All non-admin closures are subject to review by an admin; but if the conditions listed above are met, the mere fact that the closer was not an admin is not sufficient reason to reverse a closure."
Arguments against: (i) admins do not have the exclusive power or special competence to rule on content outside of XfD (which in the case of deletion requires the admin flag), (ii) non-admins who have spent hours reading a discussion and summarizing the consensus should be given more respect, and (iii) summarily overturning closes discourages non-admins from closing RfCs, which will aggravate the perpetually backlogged Wikipedia:Administrators' noticeboard/Requests for closure. A large number of the closers at Wikipedia:Administrators' noticeboard/Requests for closure/Archive 4 are non-admins.
Should an admin be able to summarily overturn a non-admin RfC close?
Notice I said "experienced editor" above, and not "administrator". In theory, an experienced editor that is not an administrator is just as qualified for a close as an administrator, but having the bit is readily-recognized shorthand for "is experienced and holds a measure of community trust" which is why this is what most people look for.
Deletion discussions have the review process
Wikipedia:Deletion review, and move discussions have the review process
Wikipedia:Move review. There is currently no formal process for reviewing RfC closes. Recently several RfC closes have been contested. See "
So what happens with disputed closes", the closing comment
here ("The more complex question that emerged about who can close and/or reopen RfCs does not seem to have been answered but it's my judgement that it's not going to be satisfactorily answered in this forum."),
Wikipedia:Administrators' noticeboard/Requests for closure/Archive 5#Talk:Autopsy images of Ngatikaura Ngati#RFC on image inclusion, and
Wikipedia:Administrators' noticeboard/Archive240#NAC, supervote and vote counting for several recent examples.
Do you agree or disagree that an RfC can be overturned by community consensus at
WP:AN? Describe how you believe an RfC close review should be like in terms of its format:
Wikipedia:Deletion review,
Wikipedia:Move review, or something else.
It is evident to me that this past year, the committee has deliberated a great deal less in private before acting (no doubt due in part to the influence of the new arbitrators who believe that such discussions are best held in public). The result, as many have observed, is entirely negative: the committee appeared indecisive and divided, and made a serious mess of a number of interventions by "throwing stuff at the wall to see what sticks", managing to confuse and anger very many people in doing so. All of that would have been prevented by some serious debating in private before posting motion after motion.
See for example User talk:AGK/Archive/75#Agk regarding this case request.
See also for example User talk:SilkTork/Archive2/Archive 8#Forgetting something?. Arbitrator SilkTork ( talk · contribs) wrote, "I'm uncomfortable with the notion that a Committee member should recuse because someone expressed dissatisfaction with some action they made, particularly when it was over three years ago and didn't lead to any dispute. There is a thought that it wouldn't do any personal harm if I recused, and I can see that, but I don't want to set a precedent that a user can get a Committee member to recuse simply by disagreeing with them."
Describe your criteria for recusing when a party request you to recuse.
It occurred once or twice in the three years I have been on the committee that I saw no reason to recuse but where uninvolved observers observed that it would be better if I did. I did recuse in those cases.
If you have a strong opinion about the topic and would have recused from closing the discussion, how would you have voted?
I would endorse.
Consensus can override that presumption. That is why we discuss the matter, not just unilaterally undo.
It is to be noted, however, that if the same policy is continually shown to go contrary to where the consensus lies, it's probably a signal that there is evidence the policy needs to be re-examined and discussed. Wikipedia isn't static, after all, and consensus does change (although some things are part of what Wikipedia is and cannot – should not – be changed. No matter how many people agree, NPOV cannot be ignored in an article for instance).
Do you agree with his position on building in delays for single-party arbitration cases? If yes, describe how would you have built in a delay for EncycloPetey.
An important part of what's required of administrators is their responsiveness to concerns about their actions – you can't just hide on other projects hoping everyone drops the matter during your absence.
That was not a normal incident.
What Jclemens did is a nasty little rhetorical manoeuvre called dehumanization, however he chooses to word or reword it. Making the enemy "them" as opposed to "other persons", is the kind of propaganda you expect in wartime when you're trying to convince people to join up the army without the volunteers thinking too hard about the "killing other people" bit.
Even if Jclemens was entirely correct in the substance and that Malleus needed to be banned with no delay, such rhetoric has no place here, or in any civilized venue.
Do you agree or disagree with his opinion?
Do you agree or disagree with his need to have "an insanely high bar" to ban users from RfA?
I have asked many questions here. If you are short on time or do not want to answer all the questions, please do not feel that you need to answer all my questions. I am most interested in your answers to #RfC closes, #Transparency, and #Civility case clarification request, so please concentrate on those questions, answer other questions on topics that interest you, and skip the rest if you want.
Thank you for running to be on the Arbitration Committee. I look forward to your answers to my questions. Best, Cunard ( talk) 04:47, 22 November 2012 (UTC)
How do you feel about the concept of committee solidarity, i.e. all members of the committee standing by a decision that has been made in accord with committee processes? If you are elected, will you personally be able to publicly uphold the considered decision of the Committee as a whole, even if the position you took did not receive majority support? How would you deal with a situation in which you have a strongly held position that is not supported by the Committee as a whole?
I'll look forward to reading your response. Risker ( talk) 08:17, 24 November 2012 (UTC)
In fact, I would think that an arbitrator willfully disregarding a decision from the committee is grounds for an immediate vote for their expulsion.
Is it an arbitration body we want? Do you think that's what we have? It doesn't seem to arbitrate at all, most of the time, it sits in judgement and hands down sanctions from on high. That's not the same thing at all. Do you think, instead, we've ended up with GOVCOM, complete with all the lovely political trimmings that brings along. If you think that's true - how did we get here, and is this where we want to be?
The obvious consequence of having a body that makes final decisions is that, pretty much by definition, there is going to be at every such decision at least one "side" of the dispute who is going to be incensed by a decision being obviously wrong (since it wasn't the one they wanted). Thus, ArbCom becomes The Man; the "wielder of arbitrary authority blind to common sense and its basic duties (i.e. do what I wanted)". "GOVCOM" is just one of many sobriquets invented to express displeasure at that concept. (I'm personally fond of "Arbitrary Committee" myself; it's much funnier that most).
I think that, on the whole, our process is fairly clean: I would think that most voters vote on substance, and most arbitrators vote along their concience and not their campaign. I don't think what problems there might be are avoidable; we just have to be careful to understand their existence and take them into account.
I am confident that you would remember this case request (which you initiated). I would like to ask some questions based on it, and I thank you in advance for your views. EdChem ( talk) 10:38, 30 November 2012 (UTC)
It never occured to me to "exclude" my actions from the case, but they were just one of many identical incidents in which some administrator attempted to block Giano immediately followed by an unblock by some other administrator making any attempts at enforcing community standards impossible; that was the worrying pattern and not the specific unblock done by John. Hence peripheral. There would have been little point in involving every admin who ever blocked or unblocked Giano in the case – me and John just being the latest in a long history.
No, I'm not going to start compiling evidence or dredge up this matter from the gutter at this time. Dragging up past ills and trying to create drama over history is exactly part of what I felt was one of Giano's worst behaviour problems and I'm certainly not going to indulge it in myself.
As to the second part of your question; I have, like every other arbitrator, been in my share of disputes and heated arguments on the list. Where those disputes had an on-wiki effect, their results were discussed on-wiki – as they should be (be it by votes in a case, or by my own independent actions).
I would say that, as a rule, involvement with a party to an RfC (as opposed to involvement in the dispute itself) does not preclude closing it – the RfC is about the substance of the issue after all and not the participants. Of course, this doesn't apply to an RFC/U. Furthermore, participation in a discussion about sanctions for an editor does not in itself create an involvment the way we mean on Wikipedia. But again, that's tempered by the nature of that participation (e.g. did you participate in the discussion because you were involved in the underlying dispute, or because you opined on a public request).
In other words, the general answer is "it depends on the whole context".
All that said, in particularily prominent cases, it might be wiser to abstain from closing the RfC if only to avoid the appearance of impropriety. I don't think that having done so regardless is especially problematic, but a pattern of such lapses would raise questions.
While I appreciate the intent and the work behind that survey, its methodology is so severely flawed as to render it harmful. In the first place, there is little probative value to be found in a survey where the respondants are self-selected, even if it had been written by experts who understand the critical importance of the wording and structure of the questions. Worse yet, by making the responses a public exercise you guarantee that the responses are going to be worthless. Whether by design or by accident, that questionnaire ended up being a push poll.
I welcome further discussion of my stance on civility enforcement (either as follow up questions or on the talk page), but I don't think that questionnaire is the right place to do it.
A good rule of thumb is to use the "least" sanction that is likely to solve the problem while still allowing as much positive participation by the editor in the future. If the problem is widespread, or has already shifted from place to place, then a site ban becomes the only option left.
There is an eminently destructive effect to unequal enforcement of the rules: editors will see (rightly) that treatment as fundamentally unjust (why did I get sanctionned and he didn't for the same thing), and it will encourage further misbehaviour (X got away with it, there's no reason I shouldn't do it too).
It's not, by far, the most important factor; enforcement for the sake of enforcement is just stupid. But if you don't take that into account, then there are long term consequences.
I think a better analogy is that of a store manager refusing entry to a customer that has caused damage or keeps yelling at other patrons. Ultimately, we're comunally-managed private property and while we'd love to welcome everyone, we can't allow disturbances that detract everyone else from what we're trying to do.
Thanks, -- Piotr Konieczny aka Prokonsul Piotrus| reply here 22:30, 6 December 2012 (UTC)
While there is nothing especially wrong with occasional profanity is some contexts ("fuck[ing]" as an intensifier, for instance, is not especially outrageous and has lost most of its shock value), the idea that it is somehow desirable because it... brings everyone down to the same level(?) is patently ridiculous. I don't know where that originated, but it was good for a chuckle. I really, truly hope that was a pastiche or sarcasm.