I removed the section "political perception" because it was a Synthesis of Primary sources or Original Research. No scholarly article on the political perception of EOKA was identified. Τζερόνυμο ( talk) 13:28, 24 September 2018 (UTC)
Dear @ Khirurg: Thanks for getting in trouble reviewing my edit. I was so sorry to notice that a part of contribution was reverted, but I believe we can sort it out.
More sources can be found though. I.e.
{{
cite book}}
: Invalid |ref=harv
(
help){{
cite book}}
: Text "Εκδόσεις Παπαζήση" ignored (
help)As for re-inserting the political perception section, I had removed [2] it seems to me that the whole section is Original Reseach and Synthesis using inappropriate sources. Let me give an example or two
The same goes for USA and China, in my honest opinion. The one solution is to remove the text, another solution is to replace it. Here is another ref that discuss the perception of EOKA among greek Cypriots (nationalists and cypriotists)
Sorry for the long text. Τζερόνυμο ( talk) 07:55, 28 September 2018 (UTC)
Here is a proposal on how to change the sub-chapter of perception of EOKA in Cyprus
In Cyprus the perception of EOKA has changed through time. A major turning point was the events of 1974. Before 1974, EOKA’s struggle was seen as aiming to Union (Enosis). After 1974 and the decline of nationalism, EOKA was seen as an anti-colonial independence struggle.{{sfn|Mavratsas|2010|732}} EOKA still spurs tensions among pro-Greek greek Cypriots and Cypriotists (those who support the independent Republic of Cyprus) According oto nationalistic narrative, EOKA was nationalistic in military terms, but its victory was compromised by Makarios who betrayed the ideal of Enosis. The cypriotist camp, on the other hand is very critical of the direction which the anticolonial struggle was pushed by the nationalists and maintains that it makes no sense to talk about a victory. They support Makarios who realized that, given the circumstances, enosis would be disastrous, wisely adopting a policy of independence.{{sfn|Mavratsas|1997|p=732}} reference = Caesar V. Mavratsas (1997) The ideological contest between Greek‐Cypriot nationalism and Cypriotism 1974–1995: Politics, social memory and identity, Ethnic and Racial Studies, 20:4, 717-737, DOI: 10.1080/01419870.1997.9993986
Any thoughts? Τζερόνυμο ( talk) 13:44, 28 September 2018 (UTC)
I feel that starting the story with a promise, is a little awkward. I feel that we should start either from 1878 or the early 20th century, stating that Greek Cypriots felt that Union was a legitimate and natural aim and Turkish Cypriots (the minority) did not feel comfortable with this, to say the least. Also, there is an inaccuracy on AKEL's participation at the plebiscite of 1950. AKEL did not organized the plebiscite, the Church did. AKEL urged for YES and after the plebiscite, a committee of AKEL tried to promote the Union cause to Eastern bloc (as unsuccessfully as the Church's committee to Western bloc) Τζερόνυμο ( talk) 18:07, 28 September 2018 (UTC)
A part of the EOKA's ideology has been removed by @ Dr.K.: as Synthesis. [3]. I really can not understand why it is a synthesis. It is not combined material. If someone understand greek, I can take a photo of the page and post it here (I wont do it though if copyrights are involved). Dr. K, do you think is UNDUE? That could be a debatable argument. Τζερόνυμο ( talk) 08:47, 29 September 2018 (UTC)
Racial prejudice was another part of EOKA's ideology. According to a leaflet be PEKA...is very tenuous. First, there is no inline citation where this statement can be verified. Also, there is no quote from the references to help in verifying this statement. In addition, you should not use Wikipedia's voice to assert these facts, even if the sources state that. A single leaflet is a ridiculous artifact on which to base the assertion that EOKA's ideology was racist. If the assertion was not included in the source, as I suspect, it is obvious SYNTH. If the assertion was made by the source, then the source bases their conclusion on a single leaflet, which is ridiculous, and demonstrates that the source itself is not reliable. Again, someone wrote something stupid on a leaflet. How is this part of EOKA's ideology? How can a single leaflet represent the ideology of EOKA? Did EOKA have a record of denigrating the people of Africa? Where is the proof of that? That a rogue member of EOKA wrote something silly on a single leaflet cannot be used as proof that the whole EOKA organisation had a racist ideology. I just can't believe I have to explain this to you. Dr. K. 09:08, 29 September 2018 (UTC)
The main point of his short bio is that he "became politicised very early in the area of the wider left-wing politics of Cyprus". It is also mentioned this is his first book. Other than a generic "diploma in History/Archaeology", no other academic credentials are mentioned. I think this author is an unreliable source because he is not notable, he has not published any peer-reviewed articles, and his analysis carries a strong leftist POV. Dr. K. 10:30, 29 September 2018 (UTC)Ο Μάριος Θρασυβούλου γεννήθηκε στη Λευκωσία. Πολιτικοποιήθηκε πολύ νωρίς στον ευρύτερο αριστερό χώρο της Κύπρου. Βασικά του ερευνητικά ενδιαφέροντα είναι το Κυπριακό, η ιστορία και η πολιτική της ελληνοκυπριακής και ελληνικής Αριστεράς, καθώς και το σταλινικό φαινόμενο. Έχει δίπλωμα στην Ιστορία-Αρχαιολογία. Η έκδοση "Ο εθνικισμός των Ελληνοκυπρίων" είναι το πρώτο του βιβλίο.
"The form that the national liberation struggle took in Cyprus was contextually related to the form of nationalism that arose within the Greek-Cypriot population and was articulated most forcefully by right-wing and chauvinist elements"sounds much more sober and scholarly to me. Also the new source you provided from Palgrave Mcmillan, looks scholarly to me and the publisher is well-known and respected. If you want to go with the new quote and source, I would agree. Dr. K. 18:29, 29 September 2018 (UTC)
(diffs stored for future use)lol Ktrimi991 ( talk) 18:40, 29 September 2018 (UTC)
EOKA was led by a charismatic religious leader and its memmbers were committed to Hellenism, an ideology which has an important religious aspect.Ktrimi991 ( talk) 18:59, 29 September 2018 (UTC)
Let's not forget that EOKA also included many Left-wing socialist members, and some of them were even in leading positions e.g. Vassos Lyssarides. Having a religious basis doesn't make a movement racist. And in the case of the Greek national identity (both in mainland Greece and in Cyprus), it is historically an ethno-religious one, bound to Orthodox Christianity. 2A02:587:2802:6F00:8839:F08C:5CAA:A4BD ( talk) 20:01, 29 September 2018 (UTC)
This specific contribution by Alexikou, seems to me that has some problems. a)It is taken way out of context. Libitsiouni is discussing rumors among turkish Cypriots, she does not examine when EOKA modified it's target group. b)The resulting narrative created by the newly formed sentence is that EOKA chanced tactics because of the Pogrom. This is wrong. Grivas resisted attacking Turkish Cypriots during the EOKA struggle. First, dead Tc was in January 1956 and was a British security personnel. Intercommunal violence (killing unarmed civilians, both sides) started at June 1958, at Kioneli. Τζερόνυμο ( talk) 22:04, 29 September 2018 (UTC)
I think we can remove references 1, 4 and 5 safely without altering the text. Ref 1 is not a Reliable Source. Ref 4 is not a RS either, is an unsigned text from a site with many advertisements. Ref 5 is also not the ideal RS.(I am talking about this version) Τζερόνυμο ( talk) 09:37, 2 October 2018 (UTC)
Sure, nothing useful about them. Alexikoua ( talk) 11:50, 2 October 2018 (UTC)
"At 1877, the Enosis movement had only few supporters mainly from the upper classes. But that was about to change as two groups of disappointed with the new ruler began to form: the Church and the Usurers. More to that, the following years a growing number of Cypriots were studying in Greece, and upon their return, they were fierce preachers of Enosis."
This is almost ridiculous. Not even Rauf Denktas would make such a fantastical claim. Let's not forget that Greek Cypriots had a Greek national identity even before the creation of the modern Greek state: Cyprus actively participated in the Greek War of Independence, way back in the 1820s (Archbishop Kyprianos was executed in 1821 for being a leading member of Filiki Eteria). If the Enosis movement only had few supporters, then why Cypriots would fight for Greece even before its creation as a state? 31.54.70.5 ( talk) 17:50, 2 October 2018 (UTC)
Hi, thanks for asking this particular matter. I made that contribution. There is a reliable source supporting the text. As for your question, I 'd suggest you search for the answer in the academic literature (not blogs, not youtube). I suggest A concise history of modern Cyprus by Professor Heinz Richter. Τζερόνυμο ( talk) 18:05, 2 October 2018 (UTC)
Karyos article seems legit to me, but as I understand it is not published. I 'll list it as an article, but if you feel otherwise, please feel free to bring the former citation details back. Τζερόνυμο ( talk) 07:18, 3 October 2018 (UTC)
@ Dr.K.: I have noted that you deleted a part of my contribution claiming "Remove more David French POV. Yes, we know, he thinks EOKA are terrorists. It's already included in the article." diff here. It is not POV for someone to claim that EOKA was a terrorist organization. A lot of scholars have the same opinion (see ref number 29 which cites 7 RS in current version). This should be presented in the article, along with the heroics aspects of the struggle. Plus, POV is not a reason for exclusion. You might argue that it is UNDUE, that would be a valid argument. Being POV is not a valid argument. I am not going to re-insert the specific paragraph in the article, for now, as I do not want to spark an edit-war. But please have in mind that when I find another RS telling the same story, I am going to place it once more. Τζερόνυμο ( talk) 14:28, 3 October 2018 (UTC)
EOKA acting like a terrorist organization is certainly not FRINGE.and
Way too many scholars describe it as a terrorist organization (Are all of them are Fringe?)I will WP:AGF that you are confused, rather than accuse you that you are trying to distort my arguments. I didn't say the things you imply in your ridiculous rhetorical questions. Read what I said above. I think you are able to read, so I won't repeat it. Also, if you can't find in the link I gave you French's anachronistic WP:FRINGE POV comparing EOKA to jihadists, including suicide bombers, that's your problem and not mine. As far as the rest of your failed arguments, like your clumsy insinuations about my alleged POV and your equally badly-formulated strawman arguments, I'm not interested to start a petty fight with you. Since you insist on defending this POV source, we simply have to wait for other editors to comment. I can't waste my time further repeating my arguments so that you can ignore them and then counterattack with specious allegations while conveniently ignoring the anachronistic FRINGE POV I pointed out in the link I gave you. So once more, let's wait for other opinions. Finally, the amount of citations for French's books is irrelevant. A book is not a peer-reviewed paper, and the number of citations are not indicators of acceptance of French's WP:FRINGE theory comparing EOKA to jihadists. If French is sincere about academically establishing his fringe POV that EOKA is comparable to jihadists, let him publish a paper in a peer-reviewed journal. If that fringe theory gets published in a respectable peer-reviewed journal, I will be the first to add it to the article.
did nt found that claim in the reference. This is not how it's done. If you can't find something in a reference you ask about it on the article talkpage. You don't remove it. You removed material here also, specifically the part:
which was not connected to the justification you had provided in your edit summary:By 1915, the Greek Cypriots seeing that neither the British investment, nor Enosis, had materialised, increased their opposition to British rule.
The British had withdrew their offer when Greece entered the War. I then had to restore it again. This type of editing is careless at best and disruptive at worst. I advise you to be more careful. Dr. K. 01:58, 4 October 2018 (UTC)
I had asked for a very simple thing, reviews that supported your claim that French is unreliable, making extreme claims etc. You provided none. Ok, let me bring the evidence.This is a bunch of nonsense. First, why would anyone bother to critique yet another FRINGE theory, in this case the one advanced by French comparing EOKA fighters to jihadists. In the real world, books by unremarkable academics often get ignored, as is the case here. That you found some accolades from similarly-minded people, is not surprising. Such positive commentary is to be expected, and it is often solicited by the author. I'm not impressed. In any case, this discussion is useless, as you have taken this matter to RSN, where I replied already. No need to keep this dispute on two places. I also note that, in your reply above, you have not addressed my comments regarding your repeated and arbitrary removal of cited information that I had added to the article. Dr. K. 12:53, 4 October 2018 (UTC)
Inn Wikipedia parlance, the term fringe theory is used in a very broad sense to describe an idea that departs significantly from the prevailing views or mainstream views in its particular field. Because Wikipedia aims to summarize significant opinions with representation in proportion to their prominence, a Wikipedia article should not make a fringe theory appear more notable or more widely accepted than it is.,
We use the term fringe theory in a very broad sense to describe an idea that departs significantly from the prevailing views or mainstream views in its particular field., and
Reliable sources are needed for any article in Wikipedia. They are needed to demonstrate that an idea is sufficiently notable to merit a dedicated article about it. For a fringe view to be discussed in an article about a mainstream idea, independent reliable sources must discuss the relationship of the two as a serious and substantial matter.. Khirurg ( talk) 18:48, 4 October 2018 (UTC)
Just because an idea is not accepted by most experts does not mean it should be removed from Wikipedia. The threshold for whether a topic should be included in Wikipedia as an article is generally covered by notability guidelines. The complicated relationship between the level of acceptance of an idea and its notability is explored below.and FRINGENOT
WP:FRINGE has nothing to do with politics or opinions. (For example, a small political party may be a fringe party, but it is not appropriate to cite FRINGE when discussing such parties.) Politics and opinions may be on 'the fringe' of public perception, but the matter of our FRINGE guideline deals directly with what can be proven or demonstrated using the scientific method by academics, scholars, and scientists. Political opinions about recent history, future predictions, social opinion, and popular culture cannot be fringe because the basis of the opinion is not scientific or academic.Τζερόνυμο ( talk) 19:10, 4 October 2018 (UTC)
I havent seen D. French making such claim, to be honest. But fringe opinions by academics have a place in WP anyway- as per WP:FRINGE.(please see my previous post). Now you are going around in circles. You have just said that
I havent seen D. French making such claim, to be honest.If you haven't seen the claim, then how can you judge it? I have seen the claim and I judge it to be fringe. Now, let's stop this circular discussion. The matter is at RSN. It's up to the wiki now. No need to keep discussing this among us, especially since there seems to be no convergence. Dr. K. 04:10, 5 October 2018 (UTC)
David French is prof. emeritus of UCL. His books are a p good source, esp. considering what sources one can often find in wiki´s historical articles.
Dear @ Alexikoua:, concerning this edit of yours, I think the author justs states the obvious: it is stigmatized as collaborators. Xhi has been considered nazi collaborators by many greeks and various authors, so the fairest thing to say is that it is stigmatized and not get into the core of the heated debate wheather they were or weren't collaborators. So should I bring in more sources linking X with the nazis? Τζερόνυμο ( talk) 04:25, 9 October 2018 (UTC)
a number ‘of its [Xhi’s] associates were tainted with the stigma of collaboration, not the organization as a whole. If this happens again, we are going to have big problems. Second, this article is not about X, and there is no overlap between the two. Any material about X will be removed per WP:COATRACK. Khirurg ( talk) 05:22, 9 October 2018 (UTC)
Here is what the article states in the current version: "After the war and during the [[Hellenic Civil War]], he led Organisation X in opposing the left wing [[Greek People's Liberation Army|ELAS]] resistance.{{sfn|Ganser|2005|p=213}} Lets see what Ganser writes in his book.
"The turn around of the British came as a shock to ELAS and its difficulties increased when former Nazi collaborators and right-wing special units, such as
the fascist X Bands of Cypriot soldier George Grivas, with British support started to hunt and kill ELAS resistance fighters"
Now, that is a blatant misquotation. Τζερόνυμο ( talk) 05:59, 9 October 2018 (UTC)
@ Khirurg: I have noticed that you reverted massive well-cited material that improved the article. You claimed in the edit summary "rv massive, unexplained changes (not even edit summaries), POV language, bad grammar. This is not how we do things". If it is grammar-->you can improve it. As for POV language, I used the language in the text. I have added the armed struggle as illustrated in the work of prof David French, Heinz Richer and Robert Holland (by far the very best sources used in the article that are specific for EOKA). It was a huge improvement compared to the version you reverted to. So I am asking, why? Cinadon36 ( talk) 18:16, 19 October 2018 (UTC)
(unindent) Here's just one example of the kind of dishonest sourcing and cherry-picking: In Cinadon's version of the article [9], we are led to believe that claims of torture of EOKA members are spurious, but in fact according to French himself, "use of torture was endemic" [10] and [11]. But this is left out of the article. This is a perfect example of selective quoting and selective sourcing to push a narrative. Khirurg ( talk) 21:49, 19 October 2018 (UTC)
Nevertheless he [French] goes on to quote an Intelligence Corps veteran that in Cyprus 'torture of suspects was endemic'. Dr. K. 22:43, 19 October 2018 (UTC)
The armed struggle started 30 minutes after midnight on 31 March to 1 April 1955 with explosions in Nicosia, Limassol and Larnaca. In general, the greatest success was the team of Markos Drakos in Nicosia, where he managed to damage the radio transmitter of value 150 thousand US dollars. British forces were not expecting any attacks and had minimal security at the time of the attack. Barracks were not yet ready as military personnel was moving from Canal Zone to Cyprus. Modestos Panteli was the first casualty of the insurgency. [1] [2] Next day, Grivas published a pamphlet where he explained his objective, using histrionic and hyperbolic language in order to stoke up the courage of Greek-cypriots. [2] The first wave of attacks ended on 9 April. [3]
The following wave began the evening of 19– 20 June and endured until the 28th of June. This time, aside from military and government structures, assaulted police stations and individual policemen and soldiers, both in their homes and in bars. [3] By then the initial focus of the EOKA killer groups was the Special Branch. Assaults on individual policemen and their homes additionally duplicated. They were not always deadly, but on 10 August a Greek Cypriot special constable was killed in Nicosia, an assassination that was intended to tell the Greek Cypriot community not to side with the police. [4]By September, the morale of the low paid police officers had collapsed. [5]
References
- ^ Ρίχτερ 2011, p. 248-250.
- ^ a b French 2015, p. 71.
- ^ a b French 2015, p. 72.
- ^ French 2015, p. 73.
- ^ French 2015, p. 74.
What do you say about it? I thought I should write about the pre-1st of April events (EMAK and St George) but I was afraid that the article would tend to be too long. Cinadon36 ( talk) 23:34, 19 October 2018 (UTC)
Next day, Grivas published a pamphlet where he explained his objective, using histrionic and hyperbolic language in order to stoke up the courage of Greek-cypriots..
By then the initial focus of the EOKA killer groups was the Special Branch.These POV descriptions have to go. It is just French's strong POV. Dr. K. 23:36, 19 October 2018 (UTC)
{{efn|According to British and Turkish Cypriot narrative, members of EOKA were characterized as ‘gangsters’, ‘murderers’,‘killers’, and ‘terrorists’ while for most Greek Cypriots, EOKA members were heroic freedom fighters}}
In this case we could use the word "guerilla.
Cinadon36 (
talk) 00:26, 20 October 2018 (UTC)
The Trilateral London Conference among Britain, Turkey and Greece was held from 29 August to 7 September without reaching an agreement. Turkey held a tough stance, as Zorlou was insisted that Turkey will never accept Cyprus to fell in Greek hands. [1] [2] Meanwhile, the Istanbul pogrom against the Greeks in Istanbul had taken place during the night of 6 and 7 September 1955. The previous weeks, rumors had mounted that Greek Cypriots were about to attack Turkish-Cypriots, rumors were proven wrong- there was no such plan. [3] This failure led Grivas to increased its efforts and on 9 October, EOKA embarked on the ‘Operation Forward to Victory’ which lasted until the deportation of Makarios, in March 1956. [4] [5] During that time, there had been 520 security incidence (54 House bombings, 116 riots, 87 sabotage, 133 ambushes, 31 attacks on police, 57 attacks on soldiers 42 raids on police stations) [6]
Meanwhile, the British Empire changed the governor of Cyprus, Armitage's place took Field-Marshal Sir John Harding, a move seen by some as handing the problem to the military. Harding knew though he was appointed as a civilian governor [7] Soon after his arrival, Harding seeked to meet Archbishop Makarios, starting what is known as Harding-Makarios negotiations. [8]
But it was school children, who were in the forefront of rioting in the autumn and winter of 1955–6 in an uprising, riots that escalated to the Battle of Flags. [9] [10] The youth trained to throw bombs and carry assasinations [11]The photos of children rioting against the British soldier became a powerful propaganda weapon for EOKA [9] [12] Riots were aggravated by the trial of a twenty-two-year-old Greek-Cypriot, Michael Karaolis, for the murder of Constable Poullis, a policeman shot in Ledra Street, Nicosia. Karaolis's trial drew publicity and amid tensions, was found guilty, and sentenced to death. [13] [14]
House bombing continued at the autumn and winter of 1955. Mostly, British personnel living in rented accommodation within towns and villages. In December an army chaplain, his wife and four-year-old daughter were ‘moderately injured’ when a grenade landed in their dining room. Another child was injured in early January when a bomb exploded at his father’s home in Nicosia. The most serious injury was inflicted on the wife of an army sergeant whose foot was blown off when a bomb was thrown through a bedroom window. [15] [16]The only fatality was Georgios Charalambous, killed when his own bomb exploded prematurely. [16]
Most of the raids on police stations were fire shots and bombing over the walls. At a few instances, EOKA's guerillas managed to steal some weaponry. Such attacks occurred at Lefkoniko, Rizokarpasso, Yialousa, and Ayios Therapon. But in January of 1956, army secured the most vulnerable police stations and EOKA resumed bomb-throwing attacks at police stations. The same pattern of attack was followed at army camps. [17]
In November EOKA members constructed a network of seven hideouts, near and overlooking Spilia and Kourdhai in the Troodos mountains. They used the hideout to unleash several ambushes, leaving a soldier dead and three wounded. But in mid-December's Grivas's gang faced a setback when they were forced to relocate when they ambushed a 45 men strong Commando group. [18] [19]In another ambush two days later, a guerilla died and two others were arrested. Because of these drawbacks and with the harsh weather condition, the activity of EOKA eased during winter. [18] [18] [20] Telephone lines and post offices were also targets. [21]
References
- ^ Ρίχτερ 2011, p. 299 & 313.
- ^ Holland 1998, p. 73:Zourlou seems to have taken an extreme stance. As Holland puts it: Zorlu proceeded to put the Turkish case in its most extreme form, as he had been encouraged to do. It need have surprised nobody that, rhetorically, he went the whole hog. His argument that any alteration of the status quo in Cyprus would automatically throw into question the legal basis of the settlement arrived at in the Lausanne Treaty of 1923 was grist to this mill. Turning from law to geography, Zorlu pointed out that not only was Cyprus closer to Anatolia than to Greece, it was part of Anatolia, having been linked to it by land within recent geological eras, so that 'when we take into account the state of the population in Cyprus, it is not sufficient to say ... that 100,000 Turks live there. One should rather say that 24,000,000 Turks live there.' Zorlu went on to make the claim that if self-determination were ever to be applied in Cyprus, 'the guiding principle shall not be the consideration of majorities and minorities, but rather the granting of full equality to the two [ethnic] groups'
- ^ Ρίχτερ 2011, p. 313- 326.
- ^ French 2015, p. 82-83.
- ^ Ρίχτερ 2011, p. 375:Richter claims that the aim of the attacks was to force the enemy (British) to spread their forces. Richter mentions an attack in Mitseros mine where EOKA and an attack in Famagusta Port, where the guerrillas seized arms that had just arrived from Suez
- ^ French 2015, p. 83-84.
- ^ Holland 1998, p. 83-84.
- ^ Holland 1998, p. 84-85.
- ^ a b French 2015, p. 86.
- ^ Ρίχτερ 2011, p. 376.
- ^ Ρίχτερ 2011, p. 383:Richter cites Cyprus Government, Corruption of Youth in Support of Terrorism, Government Printing Office, Nicosia, 1957 pp. 18,22. Richter seems to agree with the report
- ^ Holland 1998, p. 92.
- ^ Holland 1998, p. 90-91.
- ^ Ρίχτερ 2011, p. 376 & 378-381:Worth noting that Rauf Denktaş was the prosecutor. Eyewitness were hard to find because they were afraid for the consequences. The defense presented some witnesses who were deemed unreliable, according to Richter. Karaolis sentence was announced in October 28th that sparked further furor
- ^ Ρίχτερ 2011, p. 482.
- ^ a b French 2005, p. 86.
- ^ French 2005, p. 87.
- ^ a b c French 2005, p. 88-89.
- ^ Ρίχτερ 2011, p. 385-86.
- ^ Ρίχτερ 2011, p. 386.
- ^ French 2005, p. 89.
Any objections? Cinadon36 ( talk) 07:40, 20 October 2018 (UTC)
Other than that it's ok. Khirurg ( talk) 21:43, 20 October 2018 (UTC)
as [[Fatin Rüştü Zorlu|Zorlou]] was insisted that Turkey will never accept Cyprus to fell in Greek hands or any form of self-determination
. I wouldn't like to change the word "tough" as it would be me judging from a greek perspective. Writing Zourlu's stance as extremist would be a anti-Turkish POV. But anyway, if you insist, I don't feel to strongly about it.(Harding had banned raising the greek flags in schools. Soldiers were sent to schools to take the flags down, only to be raised again upon their departure)
"The photos of children rioting against the British soldier, and subsequently of British manhandling and whipping the schoolboys became a powerful propaganda weapon for EOKA
?See below for my counter-proposal:
The Trilateral London Conference among Britain, Turkey and Greece was held from 29 August to 7 September without reaching an agreement. Turkey held an extremely tough stance, as Zorlou was insisted that Turkey will never any self-determination for Cyprus, saying any change inthe status quo would call into question the Lausanne Treaty of 1923, and further insisting that Cyprus was geologically part of Anatolia. [1] [2] Then, on the night of September 6 and 7, the Istanbul pogrom against the Greeks in Istanbul had took place. In the preceding weeks, rumors had circulated in Turkey that Greek Cypriots were about to attack Turkish-Cypriots, rumors which were eventually proven wrong- there was no such plan. [3] The failure of the trilateral talks led Grivas to increased its efforts and on 9 October, EOKA embarked on the ‘Operation Forward to Victory’ which lasted until the deportation of Makarios, in March 1956. [4] [5] During that time, there had been 520 security incidence (54 House bombings, 116 riots, 87 sabotage, 133 ambushes, 31 attacks on police, 57 attacks on soldiers 42 raids on police stations) [6]
Meanwhile, the British Empire changed the governor of Cyprus, Armitage's place took Field-Marshal Sir John Harding, a move seen by some as handing the problem to the military. Harding knew though he was appointed as a civilian governor [7] Soon after his arrival, Harding sought to meet Archbishop Makarios, starting what is known as Harding-Makarios negotiations. [8]
In the autumn of 1955 and winter of 1955-1956, the Battle of Flags took place, when Harding prohibited flying the Greek flag from schools. [9] [10] This placed high schoolers at the forefront of the struggle. [11] The photos of rioting children being manhandled by British soldiers and whipped became a powerful propaganda weapon for EOKA [9] [12] The riots were aggravated by the trial of a twenty-two-year-old Greek-Cypriot, Michael Karaolis, for the murder of Constable Poullis, a policeman shot in Ledra Street, Nicosia. Karaolis's trial drew publicity and amid tensions, was found guilty, and sentenced to death. Former Turkish Cypriot leader Rauf Denktash was the prosecutor. [13] [14]
At the same time, EOKA resumed its campaign of house bombings of British personnel living in rental units outside the military cantonments. About a dozen people were injured, including women and children [15] [16], but the only fatality was Georgios Charalambous, killed when his own bomb exploded prematurely. [16]
Most of the raids on police stations were fire shots and bombing over the walls. At a few instances, EOKA's guerillas managed to steal some weaponry. Such attacks occurred at Lefkoniko, Rizokarpasso, Yialousa, and Ayios Therapon. But in January of 1956, army secured the most vulnerable police stations and EOKA resumed bomb-throwing attacks at police stations. The same pattern of attack was followed at army camps. [17]
In November EOKA members constructed a network of seven hideouts, near and overlooking Spilia and Kourdhai in the Troodos mountains. They used the hideout to unleash several ambushes, leaving a soldier dead and three wounded. But in mid-December's Grivas's guerillas faced a setback when they were forced to relocate when they ambushed a 45 men strong Commando group. [18] [19]In another ambush two days later, a guerilla died and two others were arrested. Because of these drawbacks and with the harsh weather condition, the activity of EOKA eased during winter. [18] [18] [20] Telephone lines and post offices were also targets. [21]
References
- ^ Ρίχτερ 2011, p. 299 & 313.
- ^ Holland 1998, p. 73:Zourlou seems to have taken an extreme stance. As Holland puts it: Zorlu proceeded to put the Turkish case in its most extreme form, as he had been encouraged to do. It need have surprised nobody that, rhetorically, he went the whole hog. His argument that any alteration of the status quo in Cyprus would automatically throw into question the legal basis of the settlement arrived at in the Lausanne Treaty of 1923 was grist to this mill. Turning from law to geography, Zorlu pointed out that not only was Cyprus closer to Anatolia than to Greece, it was part of Anatolia, having been linked to it by land within recent geological eras, so that 'when we take into account the state of the population in Cyprus, it is not sufficient to say ... that 100,000 Turks live there. One should rather say that 24,000,000 Turks live there.' Zorlu went on to make the claim that if self-determination were ever to be applied in Cyprus, 'the guiding principle shall not be the consideration of majorities and minorities, but rather the granting of full equality to the two [ethnic] groups'
- ^ Ρίχτερ 2011, p. 313- 326.
- ^ French 2015, p. 82-83.
- ^ Ρίχτερ 2011, p. 375:Richter claims that the aim of the attacks was to force the enemy (British) to spread their forces. Richter mentions an attack in Mitseros mine where EOKA and an attack in Famagusta Port, where the guerrillas seized arms that had just arrived from Suez
- ^ French 2015, p. 83-84.
- ^ Holland 1998, p. 83-84.
- ^ Holland 1998, p. 84-85.
- ^ a b French 2015, p. 86.
- ^ Ρίχτερ 2011, p. 376.
- ^ Ρίχτερ 2011, p. 383:Richter cites Cyprus Government, Corruption of Youth in Support of Terrorism, Government Printing Office, Nicosia, 1957 pp. 18,22. Richter seems to agree with the report
- ^ Holland 1998, p. 92.
- ^ Holland 1998, p. 90-91.
- ^ Ρίχτερ 2011, p. 376 & 378-381:Worth noting that Rauf Denktaş was the prosecutor. Eyewitness were hard to find because they were afraid for the consequences. The defense presented some witnesses who were deemed unreliable, according to Richter. Karaolis sentence was announced in October 28th that sparked further furor
- ^ Ρίχτερ 2011, p. 482.
- ^ a b French 2005, p. 86.
- ^ French 2005, p. 87.
- ^ a b c French 2005, p. 88-89.
- ^ Ρίχτερ 2011, p. 385-86.
- ^ Ρίχτερ 2011, p. 386.
- ^ French 2005, p. 89.
Makarios was sent to exile ( Seychelles) on 9th of March 1956. His capability of controlling Grivas violence was reduced. [1] Deportition of Makarios drew criticism in Britain, stanned the Cypriots and hostility arose in Greece [2] The next phase of the campaign on Cyprus lasted from March 1956 until March 1957 [1], when Grivas declared a unilateral truce. During this period there had been 104 Date House bombings, 53 riots, 136 acts of Sabotage, 403 ambushes, 35 attacks on police, 38 attacks on soldiers and 43 raids on police stations. The pattern of EOKA operations also changed significantly. Most house bombings and riots were ordered by EOKA as a way of forcing the army to commit more troops to the towns and so relieve pressure on the mountain gangs. Most house bombers and rioters had been school boys. [3] The pattern of sabotage operations remained the same. [4]
Individual members of security forces were targets. In September 1956, an army doctor was killed in his car, at a stop sign. [5] Greekcypriot Assistant Superintendent Kyriacos Aristotelous was assassinated on 15 April 1956 while leaving the maternity clinic in Nicosia after visiting his wife and four-day-old son. [6] [7] In total, there had been 77 dead men in Security Forces, 70 Greek Cypriot- mostly by the hand of EOKA after they have been listed as traitors, 2 Turkish Cypriots and 5 British civilians. [8] Other acts of terrorism occurred such as the killing of the son of a soldier in a beach near Dekelia base [9] A Maltese shop owner (fiance of a greek Cypriot woman) was killed by shooting in the back. [9]The photo of his fiance looking at his dead body went viral. Another couple, a British customs officer and his wife, was murdered while picnicked. [9]On 16 June 1956, the bombing of a restaurant by EOKA led to the death of William P. Boteler, a CIA officer working under diplomatic cover. Grivas immediately issued a statement denying a deliberate attempt to target American citizens. [10] [11]
Governor Harding carried out a series of operation from April until July [a] that failed to eradicate EOKA but they were nonetheless a severe blow to EOKA as it was never again as effective as the first half of 1956. [13] New techniques, better intelligence and more troops, led to a decrease in EOKA's activity between November 1956 and 14 March 1957, when Grivas declared a unilateral ceasefire. [14]
The security forces had also run a counter-gang organization (named X-platoon), probably since September 1956. It has been estimated that in a six-month period the X-platoon killed, captured, or obtained information leading to the identification and capture of thirty-five hard-core EOKA terrorists, forty-seven village group members, five policemen, and twenty priests who were actively helping EOKA, together with considerable quantities of weapons and explosives [15]
Feeling the pressure of Harding's rigid grip on the mountains of Troodos, Grivas embarked upon the far more dangerous strategy of ordering town groups to attack Turkish Cypriot members of the police force in the expectation that doing so was bound to provoke intercommunal violence, which the government could only contain by withdrawing troops from the mountains. [16] Insurgents throw two bombs at a group of Turkish Cypriot policemen killing one of them. This incidence sparked inter-communal riots in Nicosia the next day, and a series of strikes as Greek Cypriot workers protested at Turkish violence in Nicosia [16] [17]
By March 1957 neither EOKA or the security forces could claim victory. The very best of Grivas guerillas have been captured or killed, the Limassol arm smuggling network had been eliminated. The security forces were on top but did not eradicate EOKA, they had only contained its campaign of agitational terrorism. [18] Grivas declared truce on the 14th of March 1957. [19]
References
- ^ a b French 2015, p. 106.
- ^ Holland, p. 120 & 124.
- ^ French 2015, p. 107-109.
- ^ French 2015, p. 109.
- ^ French & 2015 110.
- ^ French & 2015 111.
- ^ Ρίχτερ 2011, p. 489-491:Richter claims that the assassination took place in the hospital's ward, while Aristotelous was talking to the doctor. The doctor was injured, according to Richter
- ^ French 2015, p. 112.
- ^ a b c Ρίχτερ 2011, p. 493.
- ^ Ted Gup 2000, p. 90.
- ^ Ρίχτερ 2011, p. 496.
- ^ French 2015, p. 135.
- ^ French 2015, p. 136.
- ^ French 2015, p. 145.
- ^ French 2015, p. 146.
- ^ a b French 2015, p. 152.
- ^ Ρίχτερ 2011, p. 491-92 :According to Ricter, the Turkish-Cypriot policeman Ali Riza was killed outside of his house in Paphos.
- ^ French 2015, p. 157.
- ^ Ρίχτερ 2011, p. 651.
Your comments please. Cinadon36 ( talk) 06:22, 22 October 2018 (UTC)
This text needs severe copy-edit in order to have a change to be part of the article. Also note that "terrorist" is POV since after 1960 they are considered freedom fighters in Cyprus. Alexikoua ( talk) 19:19, 22 October 2018 (UTC)
is a copyvio from French's book Fighting EOKA: The British Counter-Insurgency Campaign on Cyprus. That's bad enough. But also the phrasing belongs in a book or novel. It does not belong in an encyclopædia. Descriptions such asBy March 1957 neither EOKA or the security forces could claim victory. The very best of Grivas guerillas have been captured or killed, the Limassol arm smuggling network had been eliminated. The security forces were on top but did not eradicate EOKA, they had only contained its campaign of agitational terrorism.
The security forces were on top ..., and
The very best of Grivas guerillas have been captured or killed, the Limassol arm smuggling network had been eliminated...is not encyclopædic writing, even if it were not copyvio from French. I am also concerned that large portions of this article are being uncritically converted into French's POV, making the reliance of this article on French a severe violation of WP:UNDUE. For example, the terminology
agitational terrorismis a favourite of French. Just check his book. Also "killer groups", which are dismissive of EOKA as packs of killers. I don't think these descriptions are scholarly. This cannot go on. The article cannot rely so much on a single source, even if we did not have the copyvio problems and the broad usage of verbatim copying of French's dismissive POV descriptions of EOKA. Dr. K. 22:10, 22 October 2018 (UTC)
I will request the help of other users on these subjects, as there may be strong pro-EOKA (pro-Greek) bias among us. Cinadon36 ( talk) 08:06, 23 October 2018 (UTC)
strong pro-EOKA (pro-Greek) bias, even if you do it in a WP:WEASEL way. If you continue along that path, I will give you a formal WP:NPA warning. Dr. K. 19:17, 23 October 2018 (UTC)
I will take the section back to the sandbox and bring it back. The copyvio problem will be addressed. As for French, he is a RS and will be used, according to the policies and guidelines of WP. Cinadon36 ( talk) 06:32, 24 October 2018 (UTC)
Please see discussion above. Cinadon36 ( talk) 08:06, 23 October 2018 (UTC)
{{
rfc}}
template. --
Redrose64 🌹 (
talk) 09:56, 24 October 2018 (UTC)
Makarios was sent to exile ( Seychelles) on 9th of March 1956 [a] and thus his capability of controlling Grivas violence was reduced. [2] [3] As French notes, in this period, EOKA carried two separate terroristic campaigns, one aiming the British administrations and the other one was targeting those GCs who were not supportive of his cause. [2] The next phase of the campaign on Cyprus lasted from March 1956 until March 1957. [2] During this period had been 104 Date House bombings, 53 riots, 136 acts of Sabotage, 403 ambushes, 35 attacks on police, 38 attacks on soldiers and 43 raids on police stations. The pattern of EOKA operations also changed significantly. Most house bombings and riots were ordered by EOKA as a way of forcing the army to commit more troops to the towns and so relieve pressure on the mountain gangs. Most house bombers and rioters had been schoolboys. [4] The pattern of sabotage operations remained the same. [5]
Individual members of security forces were targets. In September 1956, an army doctor was killed in his car, at a stop sign. [6] Greekcypriot Assistant Superintendent Kyriacos Aristotelous was assassinated on 15 April 1956 while leaving the maternity clinic in Nicosia after visiting his wife and four-day-old son. [7] [8] In total, there had been 77 dead men in Security Forces, 70 Greek Cypriot- mostly by the hand of EOKA after they have been listed as traitors, 2 Turkish Cypriots and 5 British civilians. [9] Other acts of terrorism occurred such as the killing of the son of a soldier in a beach near Dekelia base [10] A Maltese shop owner (fiance of a Greek Cypriot woman) was killed by shooting in the back. [10]The photo of his fiance looking at his dead body went viral. Another couple, a British customs officer and his wife, was murdered while picnicked. [10]On 16 June 1956, the bombing of a restaurant by EOKA led to the death of William P. Boteler, a CIA officer working under diplomatic cover. Grivas immediately issued a statement denying a deliberate attempt to target American citizens. [11] [12]
Governor Harding carried out a series of operation from April until July [b] that failed to eradicate EOKA but they were nonetheless a severe blow to EOKA as it was never again as effective as the first half of 1956. [14] New techniques, better intelligence and more troops, led to a decrease in EOKA's activity between November 1956 and 14 March 1957, when Grivas declared a unilateral ceasefire. [15] The security forces had also run a counter-gang organization (named X-platoon), probably since September 1956. It has been estimated that in a six-month period the X-platoon killed, captured, or obtained information leading to the identification and capture of thirty-five hard-core EOKA terrorists and others who were actively supporting EOKA [16]
Feeling the pressure of Harding's rigid grip on the mountains of Troodos, Grivas embarked upon the far more dangerous strategy of ordering town groups to attack Turkish Cypriot members of the police force in the expectation that doing so was bound to provoke intercommunal violence, which the government could only contain by withdrawing troops from the mountains. [17] Insurgents throw two bombs at a group of Turkish Cypriot policemen killing one of them. This incidence sparked bloody inter-communal riots in Nicosia the next day, and a series of strikes as Greek Cypriot workers protested at Turkish violence in Nicosia [17] [18]
By March 1957 neither EOKA or the security forces could claim victory. Grivas best men were eliminated as it was its arms smuggling network. But the security forces were far from declaring victory. [19] Grivas declared truce on the 14th of March 1957. [20]
- ^ Deportation of Makarios though drew criticism in Britain, stunned the Cypriots and hostility arose in Greece [1]
- ^ These operations have been a) Operation ‘Kennett’b) Operation ‘Pepperpot’, c) Operation ‘Lucky Alphonse’ and d)Operation ‘Spread Eagle’. 21 soldiers died at a forest fire during Lucky Alphonse [13]
References
- ^ Holland, p. 120 & 124.
- ^ a b c French 2015, p. 106.
- ^ Ρίχτερ 2011, p. 486:Richer also mentions the memoirs of Grivas, who was stating that after the deportation of Makarios, he was the political and military leader of the isurgency. In greek: "Πολιτικός και στρατιωτικός αγών, συνδεδασμένος πλέον, θα έπρεπε να αναλυφθεί υπ' εμού. Richter cites p 94 of Grivas memoirs, the greek edition
- ^ French 2015, p. 107-109.
- ^ French 2015, p. 109.
- ^ French & 2015 110.
- ^ French & 2015 111.
- ^ Ρίχτερ 2011, p. 489-491: Richter claims that the assassination took place in the hospital's ward, while Aristotelous was talking to the doctor. The doctor was injured, according to Richter
- ^ French 2015, p. 112.
- ^ a b c Ρίχτερ 2011, p. 493.
- ^ Ted Gup 2000, p. 90.
- ^ Ρίχτερ 2011, p. 496.
- ^ French 2015, p. 135.
- ^ French 2015, p. 136.
- ^ French 2015, p. 145.
- ^ French 2015, p. 146.
- ^ a b French 2015, p. 152.
- ^ Ρίχτερ 2011, p. 491-92 :According to Ricter, the Turkish-Cypriot policeman Ali Riza was killed outside of his house in Paphos.
- ^ French 2015, p. 157.
- ^ Ρίχτερ 2011, p. 651.
The copyvio problems have been addressed. The phrase "Killer group" has been deleted. Some other phrases have been eliminated as well. French is still the main RS of the section (He is the best RS available after all). Is it ok? Cinadon36 ( talk) 08:33, 24 October 2018 (UTC)
Ktrimi991, if you can find an alternative wording, without discarding the meaning of the text, please go ahead. As for the copyvio, I do not think there are any problems in this version. If there are, someone should point them out, so we could resolve the issue. As for the language, it can be improved in a later stage, and I would like to remind everybody that perfection is not required. See WP:IMPERFECT. Thanks Cinadon36 ( talk) 18:49, 27 October 2018 (UTC)EOKA conducted two parallel terrorist campaigns. It waged a campaign of agitational terror which took the form of attacks against the security forces and symbols of government. This was intended to undermine the prestige of the British administration, to demonstrate that it was no longer capable of ruling the island, and to persuade the British government that the price of blocking Enosis was more than it could afford. It is this campaign, and the British response to it, which will be the focus of this chapter. But EOKA also waged a campaign of enforcement terror. This took the form of efforts to intimidate, and where intimidation failed to assassinate, those Greek Cypriots who were not willing to lend their support to its campaign for Enosis or who actively worked against it. The conduct of that campaign, and the British response to it, will be examined in the next chapter.
Makarios was sent to exile in Seychelles on 9 March 1956. [a] Makarios' capability of controlling Grivas' violence was reduced. [2] [3] As French notes, in this period EOKA carried two separate campaigns, one aiming the British administration and the other one those Greek Cypriots who were not supportive of its cause. [2] The next phase of the campaign on Cyprus lasted from March 1956 to March 1957. [2] During it there were 104 date house bombings, 53 riots, 136 acts of sabotage, 403 ambushes, 35 attacks on police, 38 attacks on soldiers and 43 raids on police stations. The pattern of EOKA operations changed drastically. Most house bombings and riots were ordered by EOKA as a way of making the army commit more troops to the towns, thus relieving pressure on the mountain gangs. Most house bombers and rioters were schoolboys. [4] The pattern of sabotage operations remained the same. [5]
Individual members of security forces were targets. In September 1956, an army doctor was killed in his car. [6] Greek Cypriot Assistant Superintendent Kyriacos Aristotelous was assassinated on 15 April 1956 while leaving the maternity clinic in Nicosia after visiting his wife and four-day-old son. [7] [8] In total, there were 77 dead men in Security Forces, 70 Greek Cypriot- most of them victims of EOKA after they had been listed as traitors, 2 Turkish Cypriots and 5 British civilians. [9] Similar acts included the killing of the son of a soldier in a beach near Dekelia base. [10] A Maltese shop owner (fiance of a Greek Cypriot woman) was killed by shooting in the back. [10] The photo of his fiance looking at his dead body went viral at the time. Another couple, a British customs officer and his wife, was murdered while being in a picnic. [10] On 16 June 1956, the bombing of a restaurant by EOKA led to the death of William P. Boteler, a CIA officer working under diplomatic cover. Grivas immediately denied a deliberate attempt to target American citizens. [11] [12]
Governor Harding carried out a series of operations between April and July [b] that failed to eradicate EOKA but were still a severe blow to the organization as it was never again as effective as in the first half of 1956. [14] New techniques, better intelligence and more troops led to a decrease in EOKA's activity between November 1956 and 14 March 1957, when Grivas declared a unilateral ceasefire. [15] The security forces also ran a counter-gang organization (named X-platoon) perhaps since September 1956. It has been estimated that in a six-month period the X-platoon killed, captured or obtained information leading to the identification and capture of thirty-five hard-core EOKA members, as well as others who were active supporters. [16]
Feeling the pressure of Harding's rigid grip on the mountains of Troodos, Grivas embarked upon the more delicate strategy of ordering town groups to attack Turkish Cypriot members of the police forced hoping that doing so was bound to provoke intercommunal violence, which the government could only contain by withdrawing its troops from the mountains. [17] Insurgents threw two bombs at a group of Turkish Cypriot policemen killing one of them. This incident sparked bloody inter-communal riots in Nicosia the next day, and a series of strikes as Greek Cypriot workers protested at Turkish violence in Nicosia. [17] [18]
By March 1957 neither EOKA nor the security forces were able to claim victory. Although Grivas' best men and his arms smuggling network were eliminated, the security forces were far from declaring victory. [19] Grivas declared truce on 14 March 1957. [20]
- ^ The deportation of Makarios drew criticism in Britain, stunned the Cypriots and caused hostility in Greece. [1]
- ^ These operations were a) Operation ‘Kennett’b) Operation ‘Pepperpot’, c) Operation ‘Lucky Alphonse’ and d)Operation ‘Spread Eagle’. 21 soldiers died at a forest fire during Lucky Alphonse [13]
References
- ^ Holland, p. 120 & 124.
- ^ a b c French 2015, p. 106.
- ^ Ρίχτερ 2011, p. 486:Richer also mentions that in his memoirs Grivas considered himself to be the political and military leader of the isurgency after the deportation of Makarios. In greek: "Πολιτικός και στρατιωτικός αγών, συνδεδασμένος πλέον, θα έπρεπε να αναλυφθεί υπ' εμού. Richter cites p 94 of Grivas memoirs, the greek edition
- ^ French 2015, p. 107-109.
- ^ French 2015, p. 109.
- ^ French & 2015 110.
- ^ French & 2015 111.
- ^ Ρίχτερ 2011, p. 489-491: Richter claims that the assassination took place in the hospital's ward, while Aristotelous was talking to the doctor. The doctor was injured, according to Richter
- ^ French 2015, p. 112.
- ^ a b c Ρίχτερ 2011, p. 493.
- ^ Ted Gup 2000, p. 90.
- ^ Ρίχτερ 2011, p. 496.
- ^ French 2015, p. 135.
- ^ French 2015, p. 136.
- ^ French 2015, p. 145.
- ^ French 2015, p. 146.
- ^ a b French 2015, p. 152.
- ^ Ρίχτερ 2011, p. 491-92 :According to Ricter, the Turkish-Cypriot policeman Ali Riza was killed outside of his house in Paphos.
- ^ French 2015, p. 157.
- ^ Ρίχτερ 2011, p. 651.
You haven't pointed to any copyvio problemYes, Khirurg has pointed to you that there is a copyvio problem. You, not bothering to fix it doesn't mean it doesn't exist. C)
Even if there was novel-like prose, it still wouldn't be a reason not to insert the text, as Wikipedia is not perfect, it is a work in process.Not so. If you don't understand what in your prose is novel-like, you need to get help to fix it, like your copyvios, not insist on inserting it in any article. D)
There have been 1000+ EOKA actions, just a couple are mentioned that have discussed by Reliable Sources.. Again, the absolute number of EOKA's actions does not matter. We have to exercise editorial discretion and that means that many of the examples you propose to add are not useful and clutter the article with unnecessary details that are not germane to the reader's understanding of the subject. You are trying to convert this article into a list or WP:NOTDIRECTORY of EOKA's actions. This is not good. Dr. K. 07:09, 31 October 2018 (UTC)
Please someone point out the copyvio problems so we can fix them.If you don't understand what a copyvio is please read WP:COPYVIO.
Just claiming that there are copyvio problems, it is not constructive.Again, don't blame the editors that point to your copyvio problems. The WP:BURDEN is on you to find them and eliminate them. If you don't know how to avoid copyvios you have no place proposing edits. Asking other editors to become your copyvio cleaning crew is ridiculous.
C)I do understand itIf, as you say, you do, then WP:SOFIXIT. D) Nope. Too much detail in the listing of EOKA's actions. Dr. K. 07:36, 31 October 2018 (UTC)
You didn't point to the dictionary definition of the word "burden" but linked to a WP policy.WP:Wikilawyering will not absolve you from your burden/onus/obligation to provide copyvio-free content to Wikipedia.
Clearly, you made a point that there is copyvio, but failed to provide evidence.You've got it backwards. I repeat: It is your burden/onus/obligation to provide copyvio-free content to Wikipedia. I pointed it out, it is your burden/obligation to remove it. If you don't know what you copied or plagiarised, you have no business editing articles.
This is obstructing the improvement of the article.Nope. I have improved the article from the get-go by not allowing you to insert copyvio text into the article. Now, I see that you went in a flurry of activity recently changing Ktrimi's proposal. First, you cannot change others' comments per WP:TPO. Second, care to explain why you did that? Third, it looks as if you were trying to hide copyvios. Perhaps, you can now thank me for guiding you to that development, instead of attacking my guidance. Dr. K. 16:55, 31 October 2018 (UTC)
You have the burden to explain where you spot copyvio if you are claiming there is a copyvio problem.Nope. I have no such burden. As I told you before, I will not become your copyvio cleaning crew. I point to you that you have plagiarised, and it is up to you to go to the source, compare it to your edit, and spot the WP:PLAGIARISM. If you are incapable of doing that, you have no place proposing edits on Wikipedia.
I am trying to find in the dark what you mean by talking about copyvio and probably fix it.This is a straight-out admission that you are incapable of understanding what copyvio is, since you cannot understand how you copy and paste from a source and you do not understand how to compare what a source writes with what you write. That's a simple task, it is not rocket science, but, nevertheless, it is a task that you cannot do. That's your problem, not mine. On top of that, you have a tendency to accuse other editors who try to help you and make you improve. That's WP:BATTLEGROUND behaviour. Dr. K. 19:30, 31 October 2018 (UTC)
I have checked through an app (The Copyright Violation Detector) the proposed text and found 0,0% violation. [13] Note: I did not used Use search engine, just Use links in page and Turnitin. I couldnt use the search engine as per "(Google Error: HTTP Error 403: Forbidden)" I had copy-pasted the text of Ktrimi996 in my sandbox and performed the search. Cinadon36 ( talk) 08:49, 31 October 2018 (UTC)
The following discussion is closed. Please do not modify it. Subsequent comments should be made on the appropriate discussion page. No further edits should be made to this discussion.
Should the text proposed by Ktrimi996 be inserted in the article? I had edited several sections of the article on 19th October. [14] The edit has been reverted and each sections is discussed seperately here, in the TalkPage, before inserted in the text. Common ground was found for the first two sectons. On this proposed section "Operation Forward to Victory (phase II, March 1956 to March 1957)", more comments by other users will help us improve the article. Cinadon36 ( talk) 07:01, 31 October 2018 (UTC)
Makarios was sent to exile in Seychelles on 9 March 1956. [a] Makarios' capability of controlling Grivas' violence was reduced. [2] [3] As French notes, in this period EOKA carried two separate campaigns, one aiming the British administration and the other one those Greek Cypriots who were not supportive of its cause. [2] The next phase of the campaign on Cyprus lasted from March 1956 to March 1957. [2] During it there were 104 date house bombings, 53 riots, 136 acts of sabotage, 403 ambushes, 35 attacks on police, 38 attacks on soldiers and 43 raids on police stations. The pattern of EOKA operations changed drastically. Most house bombings and riots were ordered by EOKA as a way of making the army commit more troops to the towns, thus relieving pressure on the mountain gangs. Youngsters had a prominent role in house bombings and riots. [4] Individual members of security forces and members of the public were targeted. [b] In total, there were 77 dead men in Security Forces, 70 Greek Cypriot- most of them victims of EOKA after they had been listed as traitors, 2 Turkish Cypriots and 5 British civilians. [11]
Governor Harding carried out a series of operations between April and July [c] that failed to eradicate EOKA but were still a severe blow to the organization. [13] Advanced intelligence and increased number of troops led to a decrease in EOKA's activity between November 1956 and 14 March 1957, when Grivas declared a unilateral ceasefire. [14] British forces also formed a counter-gang organization (named X-platoon) perhaps since September 1956. It has been estimated that in a six-month period the X-platoon killed, captured or obtained information leading to the identification and capture of thirty-five hard-core EOKA members, as well as others who were active supporters. [15]
Feeling the pressure of Harding's rigid grip on the mountains of Troodos, Grivas commenced a more delicate strategy of ordering town groups to attack Turkish Cypriot members of the police forced hoping that doing so was bound to provoke intercommunal violence, so the government would be forced to retract troops from the mountains. [16] Insurgents attacked a group of Turkish Cypriot policemen killing one of them. This incident sparked bloody inter-communal riots in Nicosia the next day, and a series of strikes as Greek Cypriot workers protested at Turkish violence in Nicosia. [16] [17]
By March 1957 neither EOKA nor the security forces were able to claim victory. Although Grivas' best men and his arms smuggling network were eliminated, the security forces were far from declaring victory. [18] Grivas declared truce on 14 March 1957. [19]
- notes
- ^ The deportation of Makarios drew criticism in Britain, stunned the Cypriots and caused hostility in Greece. [1]
- ^ In September 1956, an army doctor was killed in his car. [5] Greek Cypriot Assistant Superintendent Kyriacos Aristotelous was assassinated on 15 April 1956 while leaving the maternity clinic in Nicosia after visiting his wife and four-day-old son. [6] [7] Similar acts included the killing of the son of a soldier in a beach near Dekelia base. [8] A Maltese shop owner (fiance of a Greek Cypriot woman) was killed by shooting in the back. [8] The photo of his fiance looking at his dead body went viral at the time. Another couple, a British customs officer and his wife, was murdered while being in a picnic. [8] On 16 June 1956, the bombing of a restaurant by EOKA led to the death of William P. Boteler, a CIA officer working under diplomatic cover. Grivas immediately denied a deliberate attempt to target American citizens. [9] [10]
- ^ These operations were a) Operation ‘Kennett’b) Operation ‘Pepperpot’, c) Operation ‘Lucky Alphonse’ and d)Operation ‘Spread Eagle’. 21 soldiers died at a forest fire during Lucky Alphonse [12]
References
- ^ Holland, p. 120 & 124.
- ^ a b c French 2015, p. 106.
- ^ Ρίχτερ 2011, p. 486:Richer also mentions that in his memoirs Grivas considered himself to be the political and military leader of the isurgency after the deportation of Makarios. In greek: "Πολιτικός και στρατιωτικός αγών, συνδεδασμένος πλέον, θα έπρεπε να αναλυφθεί υπ' εμού. Richter cites p 94 of Grivas memoirs, the greek edition
- ^ French 2015, p. 107-109.
- ^ French 2015, p. 110.
- ^ French 2015, p. 111.
- ^ Ρίχτερ 2011, p. 489-491: Richter claims that the assassination took place in the hospital's ward, while Aristotelous was talking to the doctor. The doctor was injured, according to Richter
- ^ a b c Ρίχτερ 2011, p. 493.
- ^ Ted Gup 2000, p. 90.
- ^ Ρίχτερ 2011, p. 496.
- ^ French 2015, p. 112.
- ^ French 2015, p. 135.
- ^ French 2015, p. 136.
- ^ French 2015, p. 145.
- ^ French 2015, p. 146"The security forces also ran a counter-gang organization. Captain Alistair Duncan, a Territorial Army SAS officer, who was doing intelligence work on the island, claimed that the gang was his brainchild.236 Its commander was Captain Lionel Savery, who had previously served as a Military Intelligence Officer in Malaya, where he had handled captured or surrendered terrorists who had agreed to cooperate with Special Branch. He was posted to Cyprus in 1956 and worked initially as a district intelligence officer in the Troodos mountains. The members of the gang were terrorists who had been turned. The date of its formation is unclear, but it was probably established in about September 1956"
- ^ a b French 2015, p. 152.
- ^ Ρίχτερ 2011, p. 491-92 :According to Ricter, the Turkish-Cypriot policeman Ali Riza was killed outside of his house in Paphos.
- ^ French 2015, p. 157.
- ^ Ρίχτερ 2011, p. 651.
Two major changes in this version
Thank you and awaiting your comments. Cinadon36 ( talk) 18:32, 31 October 2018 (UTC)
Makarios was sent to exile in Seychelles on 9 March 1956, [a] that gave Grivas more free space to act more violently. [2] [3] As French notes, in this period EOKA carried two separate campaigns, one aiming the British administration and the other one those Greek Cypriots who were not supportive of its cause. [4]In order to distract security forces from the struggle in Troodos, EOKA intensified house bombing and riots in the urban areas. Youngsters had a prominent role in accomplishing those tasks. [5] Personnel of security forces as well as members of the public were targets. [b] Later, during January 1957, after the pressure by Harding's forces at the mountains of Troodos was increased, Grivas commenced a more delicate strategy of ordering town groups to attack Turkish Cypriot members of the police forced hoping that doing so was bound to provoke intercommunal violence, so the government would be forced to retract troops from the mountains. [12] Guerrillas assaulted a group of Turkish Cypriot policemen in Paphos killing one of them. This incident sparked bloody inter-communal protests in Nicosia the next day. [12] [13]In total there were 104 date house bombings, 53 riots, 136 acts of sabotage, 403 ambushes, 35 attacks on police, 38 attacks on soldiers and 43 raids on police stations. [14]As for the death toll there were 77 dead men in Security Forces, 70 Greek Cypriot-(most of them alleged as traitors) 2 Turkish Cypriots and 5 British civilians. [15]
Governor Harding carried out a series of operations between April and July [c] that failed to eradicate EOKA but were still a severe blow to the organization. [17] Harding also utilized a counter-terrorist organization (named X-platoon) using as personnel men that had deserted the insurgency, perhaps since September 1956. It has been estimated that in a six-month period the X-platoon killed, captured dozens of EOKA members or supporters. [18] By March 1957 the two opponents, EOKA and the British forces were in a stalemate. [19] Grivas declared truce on 14 March 1957. [20]
- notes and refs
- ^ The deportation of Makarios had adverse effects on public opinion in Greece, Cyprus and the United Kingdom. [1]
- ^ Security personnel were assassined in their leisure time. [6] [7] [8] Citizens such as a Maltese shop owner, the son of a soldier were assassinated, and a couple of citizens having picnic- these assassinations impact on the public opinion. [9] [9] [9] On 16 June 1956, the bombing of a restaurant by EOKA led to the death of William P. Boteler, a CIA officer working under diplomatic cover. Grivas immediately denied a deliberate attempt to target American citizens. [10] [11]
- ^ These operations were a) Operation ‘Kennett’b) Operation ‘Pepperpot’, c) Operation ‘Lucky Alphonse’ and d)Operation ‘Spread Eagle’ [16]
References
- ^ Holland, p. 120 & 124.
- ^ French 2015, p. 106:That strategy had failed, and in the Seychelles he was in no position to control Grivas and keep violence within bounds. Grivas had resented the limitations that the Archbishop had placed on him, and by March 1956 he was determined to use the resentment felt by Greek Cypriots at the treatment of their Archbishop to ‘transform the whole island into a battlefield’.
- ^ Ρίχτερ 2011, p. 486:Richer also mentions that in his memoirs Grivas considered himself to be the political and military leader of the insurgency after the deportation of Makarios. In greek: "Πολιτικός και στρατιωτικός αγών, συνδεδασμένος πλέον, θα έπρεπε να αναλυφθεί υπ' εμού. Richter cites p 94 of Grivas memoirs, the greek edition
- ^ French 2015, p. 106 :=EOKA conducted two parallel terrorist campaigns. It waged a campaign of agitational terror which took the form of attacks against the security forces and symbols of government. This was intended to undermine the prestige of the British administration, to demonstrate that it was no longer capable of ruling the island, and to persuade the British government that the price of blocking Enosis was more than it could afford. It is this campaign, and the British response to it, which will be the focus of this chapter. But EOKA also waged a campaign of enforcement terror. This took the form of efforts to intimidate, and where intimidation failed to assassinate, those Greek Cypriots who were not willing to lend their support to its campaign for Enosis or who actively worked against it. The conduct of that campaign, and the British response to it, will be examined in the next chapter.
- ^ French 2015, p. 109"The pattern of EOKA operations also changed significantly. Most house bombings and riots occurred between March and June, and were ordered by EOKA as a way of forcing the army to commit more troops to the towns and so relieve pressure on the mountain gangs.9 Thereafter instances of both kinds of disturbances dwindled. Most house bombers and rioters had been school boys. The diminution in their activities may reflect the fact that a combination of the school holidays, the deportation of Greek teachers, and measures taken by school governors under pressure from the security forces, caused this cadre of activists to become almost inactive.10 Grivas may also have been influenced by indications that parents were increasingly reluctant to see their offspring forfeit their education for the sake of Enosis. In September 1956 EOKA issued an order that henceforth it would only deploy schoolboy rioters on special occasions"
- ^ French 2015, p. 110: Assassination attempts against individual soldiers and policemen also followed much the same pattern as before. Some victims were targets of opportunity. In September 1956, an army doctor, Captain Gordon Wilson was killed because Nicos Sampson received a letter:....
- ^ French 2015, p. 111Others were the victims of more carefully planned operations. Assistant Superintendent Kyriacos Aristotelous was assassinated on 15 April 1956 as he left a maternity clinic in Nicosia after visiting his wife and four-day-old son. As the most senior Greek Cypriot Special Branch officer on the island he was a prime target for EOKA.22 The highest profile deliberately planned attack occurred on 21 March when a Greek Cypriot servant working in Government House left a bomb under Harding’s bed, but it failed to explode
- ^ Ρίχτερ 2011, p. 489-491.
- ^ a b c Ρίχτερ 2011, p. 493.
- ^ Ted Gup 2000, p. 90.
- ^ Ρίχτερ 2011, p. 496.
- ^ a b French 2015, p. 152:districts were cordoned and 189 EOKA village group members were arrested.273 In the spring of 1956, when the mountain gangs had previously been under serious pressure, Grivas had helped them by ordering schoolchildren to riot in the main towns in the expectation that this would draw troops away from the mountains. But the security force’s hold on the towns was now sufficiently strong, and their control over the schools was sufficiently secure, to make that impossible. Consequently, Grivas embarked upon the far more dangerous strategy of ordering town groups to attack Turkish Cypriot members of the police force in the expectation that doing so was bound to provoke intercommunal violence, which the government could only contain by withdrawing troops from the mountains.274 On 19 January insurgents threw two pipe bombs at a group of Turkish Cypriot policemen guarding a power station in Nicosia, killing one of them and provoking inter-communal riots in the town the next day, and a series of strikes as Greek Cypriot workers protested at Turkish violence in Nicosia.275 Grivas tried to cover his tracks by cynically claiming that the resulting violence was the fault of the British, accusing them of seeking ‘to cause communal disturbances in Cyprus and thus to be able to declare before the court of public opinion that its presence in Cyprus is necessary for imposing normality and for preventing more serious incidents in future’. Cite error: The named reference "FOOTNOTEFrench2015152" was defined multiple times with different content (see the help page).
- ^ Ρίχτερ 2011, p. 491-92 :According to Ricter, the Turkish-Cypriot policeman Ali Riza was killed outside of his house in Paphos.
- ^ French, 2015 & ps:Figure 4.1, p. 108.
- ^ French 2015, p. 112:data from figure in page 112
- ^ French 2015, p. 135Between late April and mid-July the security forces carried out four major operations to do just this. Operation ‘Kennett’ began on 21 April in the Kyrenia range. It was followed by Operation ‘Pepperpot’, which began on 17 May and lasted for three weeks; Operation ‘Lucky Alphonse’, which lasted from 8 June to 24 June; and finally Operation ‘Spread Eagle’, which began on 2 July and ended on 21 July. (This phase of the campaign is largely remembered for the deaths of twenty-one soldiers on 17 June in a fire in the Paphos forest during the ill-named ‘Lucky Alphonse’.177 A military court of enquiry and a coroner’s inquest could not decide whether the fire was caused by mortar shells fired by the army, by someone throwing away a lighted match or cigarette, or by the terrorists who started the fire to create a diversion so they could make good their escape.178) ‘Kennett’ was mounted by approximately 1,500 troops who cordoned and searched a dozen villages in a 50 square mile area east of Kyrenia, and arrested 18 suspects.179 ‘Pepperpot’ destroyed two hard-core gangs, and most of a third, and netted seventeen prisoners and large quantities of weapons
- ^ French 2015, p. 136:Once he had reached safety in Limassol Grivas lost no time in issuing a propaganda leaflet dismissing British claims of success.188 What he did not mention was that his gangs had been so badly hit that he also ordered his area commanders to cease active operations and to reorganize their forces.189 EOKA had not been routed, but these sometimes derided large-scale operations meant that the mountain gangs were never again as effective as they had been in the first half of 1956. Henceforth EOKA’s main military force was its town groups, and they proved to be much more resistant to security force operations. In March and April the security forces did arrest thirty members of the Nicosia town groups, including the area commander.190 But by June two new and larger groups had been organized and EOKA was able to resume its activities in the capital.191 As late as September 1956 the CIC still could not produce reliable estimates of the numbers or locations of the town groups
- ^ French 2015, p. 146"The security forces also ran a counter-gang organization. Captain Alistair Duncan, a Territorial Army SAS officer, who was doing intelligence work on the island, claimed that the gang was his brainchild.236 Its commander was Captain Lionel Savery, who had previously served as a Military Intelligence Officer in Malaya, where he had handled captured or surrendered terrorists who had agreed to cooperate with Special Branch. He was posted to Cyprus in 1956 and worked initially as a district intelligence officer in the Troodos mountains. The members of the gang were terrorists who had been turned. The date of its formation is unclear, but it was probably established in about September 1956"
- ^ French 2015, p. 157:CONCLUSION By March 1957 neither EOKA nor the security forces had succeeded in attaining their complete objectives. In April 1956 Grivas had told a correspondent that ‘My aim is the destruction of the oppressors’ material might. And we will destroy it.’310 At the end of November 1956 Harding had told the COS that with enough resources he could defeat the hard-core terrorist gangs within six months.311 By April 1957 the CIC believed that only 80 of EOKA’s top 200 members were still at large.312 The best of Grivas’s mountain guerrillas had been killed or captured, and its courier network disrupted. The Limassol arms smuggling network had been destroyed, and many of the members of his town killer groups had been eliminated, including the man who was probably EOKA’s leading assassin, Nicos Sampson.313 Captured documents showed that EOKA was short of ammunition and explosives. 314 Grivas himself concluded that ‘we were shaken, but very far from crushed’, and the CIC agreed with him.315 ‘There are still competent leaders throughout the Island who must be accounted for if terrorism is to be brought to an end.’316 The security forces were on top. They had not eradicated EOKA, but they had contained its campaign of agitational terrorism. What remained to be seen now was whether the British could translate their military advantage into a political victory. This was especially problematic because, as the next chapter will demonstrate, the organization was still capable of conducting a vicious campaign of enforcement terrorism.
- ^ Ρίχτερ 2011, p. 651.
Your comments please. Cinadon36 ( talk) 04:59, 2 November 2018 (UTC)
We can discuss copyvio concers here. Cinadon36 ( talk) 04:59, 2 November 2018 (UTC)
General comments
Much of the commentary in the reference lines appears to be lengthy direct quotations taken directly from the source- and therefore should be enclosed in quotation marks. However, the simple addition of quote marks would not be enough to fix it. Direct quotations should be kept to an absolute minimum, and should only be used for definitions, statutes/laws or when you are trying to capture a unique voice, manner of speech or a distinctive phrase. The amount of direct quoting actually used in version 5 is arguably excessive, and could lead to concerns about plagiarism. If the article was run through any of the plagiarism checking programs, it would almost certainly result in a red flag.
The use of both notes and references and is not entirely problematic. However, the general guideline is that notes should be kept to an absolute minimum and they should never be used to develop the argument or as a substitute for the narrative. Any article should be capable of standing on its own, without forcing the reader to refer to extensive notes. Some people think that extensive use of notes is overly pretentious and it can be a real "turn off" for some readers.
Notes should be used with care. Notes are never used to present lengthy direct quotations from original works. Notes can be used to tease out complexities in an argument or apparent contradictions in the evidence, but they should not be essential to the reading of the piece. For example, a typical use of notes is to make a comment about inconsistencies in the sources or the nature of an ongoing scholarly debate. You might say, for example, that Bloggs (1992) claims that Peter Pan was born in 1882, while Smith (1999) has estimated a the date of birth as 1886. In general, comments made in notes should be written in your style or should be paraphrased, rather than in the form of lengthy direct quotations. (I realise that the use of quotes in reference lines is not all that uncommon in some Wikipedia articles, but it is generally considered to be poor form and is likely to attract the attention of plagiarism checkers such as the legendary Dianaa).
I would recommend that you think about what you really want to say in the article. And, always think about your reader. What will readers most want to know about this event? Why is this event important? What are the key facts? Who were the key players? What was the main sequence of events? Which details are essential to understanding what happened and why it happened? Which details are incidental to the main story line? Get all that very clear in your mind before you start writing. Only when you have a good idea of where you are going should you start to think about the best way to express the ideas. Finally, think about which sources are authoritative or reliable and provide the type of detail that is needed to support the story you think needs to be told. Take great care to summarise these sources in your own words, reserving direct quotations for particularly "pithy" phrases or for moments when one of the key players is allowed to speak in his or her own voice. Finally, you should double check all references to ensure that bibliographic details and page numbers are accurate.
Try to remember that you are not expected to write an exhaustive account of an event or issue- but just give enough information to give your readers a "flavour" for the topic. Interested readers can follow your references, wikilinks and any external links to find out more about specific facets of the issue, event or person. In general, you should focus on the accepted accounts and avoid giving too much attention to minority or extreme views. That type of forensic analysis of evidence and sources is for the scholars to hash out in academic journals. An Encyclopedia, on the other hand, outlines the most widely accepted version.
I would also strongly encourage you to read one of Wikipedia's articles on referencing and also to look for one of the many style guides available online just to familiarise yourself with the broader aims of referencing, the different methods of referencing that can be used and the finer points of referencing style. BronHiggs ( talk) 09:02, 3 November 2018 (UTC)
Dear @ BronHiggs: thanks for your extensive answer and dedicated some time in this subject. My thoughts:
As the discussion above has become pointless, and editors involved are showing a lack of experience in solving simple problems, I'd suggest opening a RfC. The part from Individual members of security forces were targets
to Grivas immediately denied a deliberate attempt to target American citizens
should be avoided, IMO.
Cinadon36, I think that you can seek
WP:RfC on the matter as you wish to add the content you have prepared to the article. Uninvolved editors could give balance to the situation and help the editors involved decide how the article should be improved.
Ktrimi991 (
talk) 21:24, 31 October 2018 (UTC)
I 'd like to withdraw all my above proposals. Seems that Dr.K. has some valid points. I will try and write it from scratch. My major concern is that the copyvio claim will once again pop up, but I have to assume Good Faith. I will do my best. It might take me a couple of days or max a week and I will come back. Sorry for the disruption. Dr.K., I feel I owe you an apology. You were a good guardian of WP.
Cinadon36 (
talk) 19:06, 2 November 2018 (UTC)
As I expected, and said so multiple times recently, Cinadon has introduced further large-scale copyvios in his earlier proposals. I have reverted his "Forward to Victory" addition and I am now in the process of investigating his earlier proposal and edits. Please all stay tuned. Thank you. Dr. K. 15:45, 3 November 2018 (UTC)
Just to make sure Dr.K., why did you deleted the two section? Because of copyvio? Cinadon36 ( talk) 17:06, 3 November 2018 (UTC)
Dr.K, you have reverted my edit and re-inserted unsourced material with the claim that can easily be found. I guess the Burden is on your shoulders to find that material? Thanks. ps you have cited an article but there is no preview. Is the book talking about George Grivas using that name? Thanks. Cinadon36 ( talk) 18:25, 3 November 2018 (UTC)
The current version states: "The military campaign officially began on 1 April 1955. On that date, EOKA launched simultaneous attacks on the British controlled Cyprus Broadcasting Station in Nicosia, undertaken by a team led by Markos Drakos, on the British Army's Wolseley barracks, and on targets in Famagusta, by a team led by Grigoris Afxentiou. EOKA's campaign initially targeted the British and those Greek Cypriots identified with them.[38]" Check out ref 38. Clearly does not support the text. Next paragraoh is unsourced (Certainly I do not question that the text is very close to truth, but the question is how do we proceed?) Cinadon36 ( talk) 18:25, 3 November 2018 (UTC)
If you wish Dr.K, you can check past version of the article and you will find out that I did not add those lines you have removed. [15]. Plus I 'd like to ask you to stop mentioning my name in the edit summary. Thank you. Cinadon36 ( talk) 19:28, 3 November 2018 (UTC)
Με την βοήθειαν τού Θεού, με πίστιν εις τον τίμιον αγώνα μας, με την συμπαράστασιν ολοκλήρου τού Ελληνισμού και με την βοήθειαν των Κυπρίων, αναλαμβάνομεν τον αγώνα διά την αποτίναξιν τού Αγγλικού ζυγού, με σύνθημα εκείνο το οποίον μάς κατέλιπαν οι πρόγονοί μας ως ιεράν παρακαταθήκην: “‘Η τάν ή επί τάς”.
The underlined part is missing. I do not know if other parts are ok, but I am not very sure that it is notable enough to place it in the article. Maybe the Wikipedia Library is more appropriate. But I am not certain. Cinadon36 ( talk) 20:10, 3 November 2018 (UTC)
The armed struggle started on April the 1st, 1955. A series of explosions hit army facilities and public utilities in all major towns of Cyprus. [1] [2] Most successful attacks were by the team of Markos Drakos in Nicosia. British forces (at that time troops and arms were transferred from Egypt to military bases in Dhekelia and Akrotiri) were not expecting any attacks. [2] At the end of April, the activity of EOKA paused, giving time to Grivas to organize the youth. [3] The next wave of attacks was initiated in June and was more forceful than the first one, as EOKA members were throwing self-made bombs in public places, British houses or police stations. [4] [5] This second wave of EOKA attacks lasted until the end of June, totaling 204 attacks since the beginning of the insurgency [6] [7]
In Turkey, the public opinion was uneased. Rumors were mounting that a slaughter of TCs by GC was about to happen. The rumors were groundless but nonetheless contributed to the Istanbul pogrom. [8]. At the same time, during the Trilatet Conference among Britain, Turkey and Greece held in London, Turkey kept a tough stance, arguing that Cyprus is a part of Anatolia. The Conference collapsed without reaching an agreement. [9] [10]
Initially, the British government underestimated EOKA struggle and Macmillan's thought was that EOKA wouldn't gain popular support. [11] By the end of September, as the crisis was escalating, the British Government decided to replace governor Armitage. [12]
References
- ^ French 2015, p. 71.
- ^ a b Ρίχτερ 2011, p. 250.
- ^ Ρίχτερ 2011, p. 254: ANE (Valiant Youth of EOKA), a pupil's group was created, ANE had a branch in every school.
- ^ Ρίχτερ 2011, p. 257-8.
- ^ French 2015, p. 72.
- ^ Ρίχτερ 2011, p. 259.
- ^ French 2015, p. 76.
- ^ Ρίχτερ 2011, p. 315-321.
- ^ Ρίχτερ 2011, p. 299 & 313.
- ^ Holland 1998, p. 73.
- ^ French 2015, p. 79.
- ^ French 2015, p. 82.
I propose the text for insertion. It is copyvio and clop free. Cinadon36 ( talk) 08:24, 4 November 2018 (UTC)
I have uploaded all page pictures of Richter 2011 in a dropbox folder (as per Dr.K. request [16]) Whoever wants to have a look, please email me. Plus if you 'd like a look at other ref pages, please let me know and I 'll upload them. Cinadon36 ( talk) 08:12, 5 November 2018 (UTC)
p. 95
The night of 29 March a series of bomb attacks occurred in various locations across the island, 18 altogether. The most successful of them was destroying the Cyprus Broadcasting Station's transmitter.
[1] The attacks were accompanied by a revolutionary proclamation.
[1] The proclamation was signed by "The leader, Digenes". Grivas decided to keep his involvement secret at the moment and used the name of a Byzantine general who had defended Cyprus in the medieval era.
[1]
There was some disagreement between Grivas and Makarios about the way to overthrow the collonial reimge. Grivas rejected Makarios attempt, to limit the campaign to acts of sabotage, avoiding loss of life. However he shared Makarios view that victory would be won by diplomatic means. [2]
Grivas goal was to subject the British to continued relentless harassment, making them clear that their continued occupation carried a price, while keeping enosis on the international diplomatic agenda. [3] The British response to the EOKA campaign was crucial in this regard: repression would on the one hand alienate the Greek Cypriot population from British rule, and on the other hand provide Makarios and the Greek government with a stick to beat the British with before the United Nations. EOKA would ensure that there was a Cyprus problem and demonstrate to the world that the British could not resolve it. [3]
Grivas launched his second offensive on the night of June 19 with coordinated bomb and grenade attacks against police stations, military installations and the homes of army officers and senior officials. [3] One bomb planted inside Famagusta Police headquarters by an EOKA policeman demolished the building. A few days later an arms raid on Amiandos police station left a police sergeant dead and the armory stripped of weapons. [3] Those attacks were usually followed by sporadic incidents: shootings and bombings and increasing public disorder. There were attacks on the police, with two Special Branch members being assassinated in separate incidents in August. There were street clashes between demonstrators and police and troops which were easily precipitated by the simple expedient of raising the Greek flag which the British then felt obliged to remove by force if necessary. [3] The final straw, however, was the escape from Kyrenia castle prison of 16 EOKA members including a number of key figures, such as Markos Drakos and Grigoris Afxentiou. [3] As Nancy Crawshaw puts it, 'public confidence in the administration was shattered'. The situation seemed to be deteriorating out of control. The British attempted to safeguard their position in Cyprus by diplomatic maneuvering and a counterinsurgency offensive. The first involved playing the Greek and Turkish governments off against each other. Eden saw the Turkish government as 'the key protecting British interests'
p. 93: Grivas carried out a first reconnaissance in Cyprus as early as July 1951. p. 94 Makarios was certainly sceptical, telling Grivas on one occasion that he would not find 50 men to follow him. Interestingly enough the British shared the same view. Grivas finally arrived on the island in early November 1954 and set about establishing his underground organisation. He recruited from the Cyprus Farmers' Union (PEK) in the villages and from the two main youth movement, the Church-controlled Christian Youth Movement (OHEN) and the nationalist Pancyprian Youth Movement (PEON) in the towns. At its peak the organisation was to muster seven mountain groups, 47 town groups and 75 villages groups, with a total stranth of just over 1,000 men. The backbone of EOKA were the mountain groups, a conventional guerilla force living in hidden camps in the forests, and the town groups, often continuing their civilian job or schooling...Supporting this armed wing was the much broader National Front of Cyprus (EMAK), which organised the guerilla movement's sympathisers. EMAK provided EOKA with intelligence, supplies, weapons, medicins, recruits and safe houses, confronted the British on the streets with demonstrations and riots and conducted the propaganda offensive.Grivas was prticurlarly concerned with mobilising the young, schoolchidren and juveniles, behind the struggle and was later to identify this as one of the distinctive features of EOKA. He intented to 'to the youth of Cyprus into the sedbed of EOKA'.— Preceding unsigned comment added by Alexikoua ( talk • contribs)
Thanks @ Alexikoua: for your feedback. Here are my comments:
The armed struggle started on the night of March 29-April, 1955. A total of 18 bomb attacks occurred in various locations across the island. Most notable incidents were those of Nicosia by the group of Markos Drakos as well as the demolition of the Cyprus Broadcasting Station's transmitter. [1] [4] [5] The attacks were accompanied by a revolutionary proclamation signed by "The leader, Digenes". Grivas decided to keep his involvement secret at the moment and used the name of a Byzantine general who had defended Cyprus in the medieval era. [1] On the other hand the British not expecting this turn of events reinforced their local military bases (Dhekelia and Akrotiri) by transferring troops from Egypt. [5]
At the end of April EOKA attacks temporarily paused, giving time to Grivas to organize the youth. [6] A second offensive was launched on June 19 with coordinated bomb and grenade attacks against police stations, military installations and the homes of army officers and senior officials. [3] [7] [8] One of those bombings demolished the building of the Famagusta Police headquarters. [3] Those attacks were usually followed by sporadic incidents: shootings, bombings and increased public disorder. [3] This second wave of EOKA attacks lasted until the end of June, totaling 204 attacks since the beginning of the insurgency. [9] [10]
In August two Special Branch members were assassinated in separate incidents. The raising of the Greek flag during demonstrations led usually to clashes with the colonial authorities. The later being obliged to remove it by force if necessary. [3] Another major success for the organization was the escape from Kyrenia castle prison of 16 EOKA members including a number of key figures, such as Markos Drakos and Grigoris Afxentiou. [3]
— Preceding unsigned comment added by [[User:{{{1}}}|{{{1}}}]] ([[User talk:{{{1}}}#top|talk]] • [[Special:Contributions/{{{1}}}|contribs]])
References
Some of the below parts from Newsinger, might be quite interesting for the next phase of the Cypriot struggle:
p. 97: The British attempted to safeguard their position in Cyprus by diplomatic manoeuvring and a counterinsurgency offensive. The first involved playing the Greek and Turkish governments off against each other. Eden saw the Turkish government as 'the key protecting British interests'
p. 99 On December 13, Harding who saw Cyprus very much as a pawn in the Cold War, banned AKEL and detained 128 of its leading members, effectively crippling the only political force in Cyprus which opposed EOKA. Repressive legislation and troop reinforcements were not the answer however. The Greek Cypriot population was hostile and the Special Branch was neutered. The Britis response was large-scale cordon and search operations that rarely resulted in arrests or the discovery of arms caches, but which invariably alienated those whous houses were searched or who were roughed up and dragged off to be screened. Collective punishements, far from undermining support for EOKA, only succeeded in making the Greek Cypriots more hostile to British rule....
p. 100 The inevitable result was to increase sympathy for EOKA and to assist its recruitment efforts. The problem was that the Greek Cypriot community was overwhelmingly in favour of Enosis. Fra from moderates emerging with whom Britain could do a deal. It was this popular support, enabling Grivas and his small band of guerrillas to take on the growing security apparatus that Harding was marshalling against him, that sustained the armed struggle. It became clear that EOKA did have an effective intelligence apparatus and that the guerrillas were often forewarned of security intentions... Schoolchildren, domestic servants, civilian personell on the military bases, the police, all were enlisted by Grivas in the intelligence war. While the security forces were operating in the dark, their every move was observed.
p. 101: The British were never to succeed completely eliminating EOKA agents from the police force. The virtual collapse of the police in the face of EOKA did bring some important changes, however. Many Greek Cypriot policemen resigned and those that remained were increasingly distrusted, so new recruits were ought in Britain and among the Turkish Cypriot community. The dramatical increased recruitment of Turkish Cypriots. By the start of 1956 the had come to dominate the police force numbering 4,000 compared to less than 1,000 Greek Cypriots. The Turkish Cypriots were very much in the front line against EOKA. Inevitably the use of Turkish Cypriot police against the Greek Cypriot community exacerbated relations between the two communities.
Alexikoua ( talk) 21:34, 18 November 2018 (UTC)
I wonder what makes Thrasivoulou neutral in his description about anti-communism in Cyprus. As I see he is personally involved in Left wing politics [www.biblionet.gr/author/115186/Μάριος_Θρασυβούλου]. This raises serious concerns. Alexikoua ( talk) 21:43, 7 November 2018 (UTC)
Just wanted to remind everyone that the references should be formatted such that the author names are in the Latin alphabet. I'm personally fine with understanding the Greek alphabet and I presume so are most editors working on this article, but most of our readers won't be. -- GGT ( talk) 02:49, 9 November 2018 (UTC)
Here is my proposal:
John Harding was the newly appointed governor of Cyprus. [1] Soon after his arrival on the 3rd of October, Harding sought to meet Archbishop Makarios, and both agreed on commencing what is now known as Harding-Makarios negotiations. [2] [3] Increased security and stepping up military might was of Hardings priorities. [4] On 26th November, Harding declared stated of Emergency- that meant among other, implementation of the death penalty for non-fatality crimes. [5]
Operation Forward to Victory was declared on 18th of November and was accompanied by several bomb attacks. [6] In urban areas, schoolchildren had a prominent role in the EOKA struggle. The Battle of Flags, escalated during the Autumn of 1955 and peaked in January and February of 1956- that kept British forces busy away from chasing down EOKA. [7] [8] But schoolboys were not only active in riots and stone-throwing the police, but some of them were also trained to throw bombs and carry assassinations. [9] Bombs by guerillas and youngsters were thrown at British personnel houses, police stations and army camps. [10] [11] In some cases, EOKA members managed to steal some weaponry. [12]
Up in the mountains, the struggle continued as the guerillas constructed several hideout in the Troodos mountains. But because of harsh winter and some military pressure by British forces, the activity of EOKA eased during winter. [13]
References
- ^ Holland 1998, p. 83-84.
- ^ Holland 1998, p. 84-85.
- ^ Richter 2011, p. 370.
- ^ Ρίχτερ 2011, p. 370-72.
- ^ Richter 2011, p. 373.
- ^ Ρίχτερ 2011, p. 377: According to Richter, there were 50 bomb attacks that day.
- ^ French 2015, p. 86.
- ^ Richter 2011, p. 376.
- ^ Richter 2011, p. 383.
- ^ Richter 2011, p. 481-82.
- ^ French 2005, p. 86-88.
- ^ French 2005, p. 87.
- ^ French 2005, p. 88-89.
Comments? Thanks in advance. Cinadon36 ( talk) 10:08, 17 November 2018 (UTC)
The new British governor John Harding arrived at October 3. [1] Harding sought to meet Archbishop Makarios, and both agreed on commencing what became known as Harding-Makarios negotiations. [2] [3] Increased security and stepping up military might was of Hardings priorities. [4] On November 26, Harding declared stated of Emergency- that meant among other, implementation of the death penalty for non-fatality crimes. [5] Repressive legislation and troop reinforcements were not the answer however. The Greek Cypriot population was hostile and the Special Branch was neutered. [6] The British response was large-scale cordon and search operations which rarely resulted in arrests or the discovery of arms caches, but which invariably alienated those whose houses were searched or who were roughed up and dragged off to be screened. Collective punishments, far from undermining support for EOKA, only succeeded in making the Greek Cypriots more hostile to British rule. [6] Moreover, Harding viewed Cyprus very much as a pawn in the Cold War global situation: on December 13 he banned AKEL and detained 128 of its leading members, effectively crippling the only political party in Cyprus that opposed EOKA. [6]
The inevitable result was to increase sympathy for EOKA and to assist its recruitment efforts. The problem was that the Greek Cypriot community was overwhelmingly in favour of Enosis. Far from moderates emerging with whom Britain could do a deal. [7] It was this popular support, enabling Grivas and his small band of guerrillas to take on the growing security apparatus that Harding was marshalling against him, that sustained the armed struggle. [7] It became clear that EOKA did have an effective intelligence apparatus and that the guerrillas were often forewarned of security intentions. Schoolchildren, domestic servants, civilian personnel on the military bases, the police, all were enlisted by Grivas in the intelligence war while the security forces were operating in the dark. [7]
Operation "Forward to Victory" (Greek name) was launched on November 18 and was accompanied by several bomb attacks. [8] In the urban areas schoolchildren had a prominent role in the EOKA struggle. The Battle of Flags, escalated during the Autumn of 1955 and peaked in January and February of 1956- that kept British forces busy away from chasing down EOKA. [9] [10] Schoolboys were not only participating in riots and stone-throwing against the police, but some of them were also trained to throw bombs and carry assassinations. [11] Bombs by guerrillas and youngsters were thrown at British personnel houses, police stations and army camps. [12] [13] In some cases, EOKA members managed to steal some weaponry. [14] The British were never to succeed completely eliminating EOKA agents from the police force. [15]
Up in the mountains, the struggle continued as the guerrillas expanded their network in the Troodos mountains. However, due to harsh winter conditions in addition to certain British military pressure, the activity of EOKA temporarily eased. [16] Alexikoua ( talk) 21:13, 26 November 2018 (UTC)
References
Good job Alexikoua! Cinadon36 ( talk) 05:13, 27 November 2018 (UTC)
Thanks. I believe that the following should be part of the above section:
{{quote|The situation seemed to be deteriorating out of control and the British authorities attempted to safeguard their position in Cyprus by diplomatic maneuvering and a counterinsurgency offensive. The first involved playing the Greek and Turkish governments off against each other. Eden saw Turkey as "the key protecting British interests" in Cyprus. [1] By the end of September, as the crisis was escalating, the British Government decided to replace governor Armitage. [2]
In Turkey, the public opinion was uneased. Rumors were spreading in Turkish media that a slaughter of the Turkish Cypriot community was likely to occur. Though they were unfounded they led to nationalist reactions in the country and the government-sponsored anti-Greek Istanbul pogrom of September 1955. [3]. At the same time, during the Trilatet Conference among Britain, Turkey and Greece held in London, an agreement couldn't being reached while Turkey adopted a stubborn position. [4] [5]
In this fashion British policy also aimed at the dramatical increased recruitment of Turkish Cypriots. By the start of 1956 they had come to dominate the police force numbering 4,000 compared to less than 1,000 Greek Cypriots. The Turkish Cypriots were very much in the front line against EOKA. Inevitably the use of Turkish Cypriot policemen against the Greek Cypriot community exacerbated relations between the two communities. [6] Alexikoua ( talk) 19:57, 21 November 2018 (UTC)
References
Seems fine to me Cinadon36 ( talk) 10:44, 22 November 2018 (UTC)
Here is my new proposal. Anyone who needs to check sources, just send me an email and I will respond with a dropbox link.
The next phase of the struggle commenced in March 1956 and lasted a year, when a unilateral cease fire was declared by EOKA. [1] After the failure of Makarios-Harding negotiations on early March 1956, the British government in a sudden move, exiled Makarios to Seycheles. [2] That left Grivas as the sole leader of the insurgency and turned EOKA more violent. [3] While Harding's forces were making ground up in the mountains, [4] guerrillas and youngsters were trying to assassinate members of the security forces at their leisure time or alleged traitors. [5]
EOKA focused its actions to urban areas during this phase. House bombings and riots, mostly by schoolboys, forced army to keep forces away from the mountains where EOKA's hard core fighters where hiding. Apart from individual citizens or soldiers in their leisure time, army and police facilities where attacked totaling 104 house bombings, 53 riots, 136 acts of Sabotage, 403 ambushes, 35 attacks on police, 38 attacks on soldiers and 43 raids on police stations. [a] [11] But as the pressure of Harding mounted, Grivas undertook a controversial strategy, targeting Turkish Cypriot policemen, in order to initiate intercommunal tensions nailing British forces in the towns. [12] Indeed, guerrillas throw two bombs at a group of Turkish Cypriot policemen killing one of them, effectively sparking inter-communal riots in Nicosia the next day, and a series of strikes [12] [13]
Governor Harding escalated his fight against EOKA. He organised a series of operation from April until July [b] that delivered a severe blow to EOKA as it was never again as effective as the first half of 1956 but failed to eradicate EOKA nonetheless. [15] Harding also upgrated intelligence and created a notorious counter-gang organization, named X-platoon. [16]
Having suffered significant loses both in personnel and in infrastructure, Grivas declared truce on the 14th of March 1957. [17] Harding was far from victory though as he hadn't eliminate EOKA. As David French puts it, he had only "contained its campaign of agitational terrorism.". [18]
- notes
- ^ Some of the attacks of the attacks against civilians drew world attention and were used for propaganda purposes by the British authorities. Most notable attacks have been the killing of an army doctor while driving home, [6] the execution of Greek Cypriot Assistant Superintendent Kyriacos Aristotelous, [7] [8] the killing of the son of a soldier in a beach near Dekelia base [9] a Maltese shop owner (fiance of a Greek Cypriot woman) was killed by shooting in the back. -the phot of the grieving wife reached mainstream media in UK- another couple, a British customs officer and his wife, was murdered while picnicked. [9]. On 16 June 1956, the bombing of a restaurant by EOKA led to the death of William P. Boteler, a CIA officer working under diplomatic cover. Grivas immediately issued a statement denying a deliberate attempt to target American citizens. [10]
- ^ These operations have been a) Operation ‘Kennett’b) Operation ‘Pepperpot’, c) Operation ‘Lucky Alphonse’ and d)Operation ‘Spread Eagle’. 21 soldiers died at a forest fire during Lucky Alphonse [14]
- refs
References
- ^ French 2015, p. 106.
- ^ Richter 2011, p. 416-422.
- ^ Ρίχτερ 2011, p. 486.
- ^ Ρίχτερ 2011, p. 501-512: In the subchapter "The British counter-attack"
- ^ Richter 2011, p. 496.
- ^ French 2015, p. 110.
- ^ French 2015, p. 111.
- ^ Ρίχτερ 2011, p. 489-491:Richter claims that the assassination took place in the hospital's ward, while Aristotelous was talking to the doctor. The doctor was injured, according to Richter
- ^ a b Ρίχτερ 2011, p. 493.
- ^ Ρίχτερ 2011, p. 496.
- ^ French 2015, p. 109.
- ^ a b French 2015, p. 152.
- ^ Ρίχτερ 2011, p. 491-92
- ^ French 2015, p. 135.
- ^ French 2015, p. 136.
- ^ French 2015, p. 145-46.
- ^ Ρίχτερ 2011, p. 651.
- ^ French 2015, p. 157.
Anticipating the feedback. Cinadon36 ( talk) 16:11, 29 November 2018 (UTC)
After the failure of Makarios-Harding negotiations the British government in a sudden move, exiled Makarios to Seycheles on March 9, 1956. [1] This triggered a week long general strike followed by a dramatic increase in EOKA activity: 246 attacks until March 31 including an unsuccessful attempt to assassinate Harding. The offensive continued into April and May and the British casualties averaged two killed every week. [2] While Harding's forces were making ground up in the mountains, [3] guerrillas and youngsters were trying to assassinate members of the security forces at their leisure time or alleged traitors. [4]
EOKA focused its activity to urban areas during this period. House bombings and riots, mostly by schoolboys, forced army to keep forces away from the mountains where EOKA's main fighters where hiding. Apart from individual citizens or soldiers in their leisure time, army and police facilities where attacked totaling 104 house bombings, 53 riots, 136 acts of Sabotage, 403 ambushes, 35 attacks on police, 38 attacks on soldiers and 43 raids on police stations. [a] [10] But as the pressure of Harding mounted, Grivas began targeting Turkish Cypriot policemen effectively sparking inter-communal riots and a series of strikes [11] [12]
Harding escalated his fight against EOKA organizing a series of operations in April-July [b] Harding also upgrated his intelligence network including the creation of the notorious X-platoon. [14] On May 10 the first two EOKA prisoners were hanged and Grivas responded with the execution of two British soldiers. [2] The British were concerned to counter EOKA's mountain units. Large scale operations were launched however Grivas managed to escape. [15] He decided to move to Limassol where he established his new headquarters. Although Grivas escaped, the Troodos operations had some success for the British: 20 guerrillas and 50 weapons were captured. However, they ended up with a disaster: at least 7 British soldiers were killed and additionally 21 were burnt to dead in accident. The last incident overshadowed the first real success against the EOKA guerrilla forces. [15]
On August 9 the British authorities hanged three more EOKA prisoners, however Grivas did not retaliate this time. Widespread strikes held in protest. [16] On November 1956 due to the Suez Crisis large numbers of British troops were tranfered off Cyprus allowing Grivas to launch a new offensive. EOKA launched a wave of attacks in what would became for the British "Black November" with a total of 416 attacks, 39 killed 21 of them British. After the Suez debacle the British military strength was increased to 20,000 and Harding managed to direct a new offensive. [16] However, Harding failed to win over the Greek Cypriot population especially when his security forces resorted to the use of torture. [16]
Although EOKA received a severe blow in the mountains its armed activity continued in the urban areas while the British forces were apparently impotent. [17] [15] [18] Grivas declared truce on the 14th of March 1957 which would last nearly one year. [18]
- notes
- ^ Some of the attacks of the attacks against civilians drew world attention and were used for propaganda purposes by the British authorities. Most notable attacks have been the killing of an army doctor while driving home, [5] the execution of Greek Cypriot Assistant Superintendent Kyriacos Aristotelous, [6] [7] the killing of the son of a soldier in a beach near Dekelia base [8] a Maltese shop owner (fiance of a Greek Cypriot woman) was killed by shooting in the back. -the phot of the grieving wife reached mainstream media in UK- another couple, a British customs officer and his wife, was murdered while picnicked. [8]. On 16 June 1956, the bombing of a restaurant by EOKA led to the death of William P. Boteler, a CIA officer working under diplomatic cover. Grivas immediately issued a statement denying a deliberate attempt to target American citizens. [9]
- ^ These operations have been a) Operation ‘Kennett’b) Operation ‘Pepperpot’, c) Operation ‘Lucky Alphonse’ and d)Operation ‘Spread Eagle’. 21 soldiers died at a forest fire during Lucky Alphonse [13]
References
- ^ Richter 2011, p. 416-422.
- ^ a b Newsinger 2016, p. 102.
- ^ Ρίχτερ 2011, p. 501-512: In the subchapter "The British counter-attack"
- ^ Richter 2011, p. 496.
- ^ French 2015, p. 110.
- ^ French 2015, p. 111.
- ^ Ρίχτερ 2011, p. 489-491:Richter claims that the assassination took place in the hospital's ward, while Aristotelous was talking to the doctor. The doctor was injured, according to Richter
- ^ a b Ρίχτερ 2011, p. 493.
- ^ Ρίχτερ 2011, p. 496.
- ^ French 2015, p. 109.
- ^ French 2015, p. 152.
- ^ Ρίχτερ 2011, p. 491-92
- ^ French 2015, p. 135.
- ^ French 2015, p. 145-46.
- ^ a b c Newsinger 2016, p. 103.
- ^ a b c Newsinger 2016, p. 104.
- ^ French 2015, p. 136.
- ^ a b Ρίχτερ 2011, p. 651.
Good job @
Alexikoua:. I agree on adding it but here is my main concern: Newsinger does not claim that Harding failed to win over the Greek Cypriot population especially when his security forces resorted to the use of torture.
at least in page 104, the cited page. Maybe it is 100-101? Plus, French and Richter claim that British Forces did not systematically use torture. I think it is too strong claim for us to do. But besides that, I am ok!
Cinadon36 (
talk) 08:46, 6 December 2018 (UTC)
I added the text but removed the sentence, as torture will be discussed in more details later on. Hope it 's ok Cinadon36 ( talk) 10:10, 6 December 2018 (UTC)
Harding continued to pressure EOKA despite the unilateral truce. [1] Security measures imposed to villagers, i.e. the case of Milikouri, bounced back at the British Forces as EOKA made gains in the field of propaganda. [2] [3] [4] Nevertheless, the truce was kept by EOKA until the 28th of October 1957 (Oxi day, a Greek national fest) when Harold Macmillan (then minister of foreign affairs) declined a Makarios proposal for a settlement. [5]
Meanwhile, as PEKA [a] was continuing the struggle for Enosis with political means (from calling for a general strike to street graffiti), EOKA was trying to recruit new members. Priests and schoolteachers, under strict secrecy, were the scouting for young men aged 14-24, and were mostly successful. [6] Grivas reorganized EOKA's structure. [7] By Autumn, Grivas was increasing his autonomy from Greece and Makarios and was planning to attack the Left and the Turkish Cypriot community. The Greek government and Makarios had little capability of preventing Grivas from doing so. [8]
==== Detention Camps and claims of torture ====
Detention of Persons Law, passed in 15th June 1955, gave the authority to Government to enclose a suspect in a detention camp without a trial. The first Detention camp was Kyrenia Castle and afterward, two more detention camps opened, one in Kokkinotrimithia and another one in Pyla village. [9] PEKA linked the Detention camps to the Nazi ones and described the British government as authoritarian. Makarios and Greek Government voiced the same accusations later on. [10] [11] The living conditions within the camps were decent with the exception of poor building conditions which couldn't protect the inmates from harsh weather. [11] International Committee of the Red Cross visited the camps twice and found no problems. [12]Torture allegations have been an issue since 1956 [13]. Harding declined the torture allegations, describing it as propaganda by EOKA members, who were intimidating the Greek population. [14] Makarios held a press conference in Athens, where he doubled down the allegations, but failed to provide hard evidence and fall into some fallacies. [15] Torture allegations had an impact in the internal politics of the British, as the allegations were discussed at the parliament. [16]
The debate spans our days on whether the torture claims were true. According to Heinz Richter, while police or army was generally lawful, the British turned a blind eye to interrogators many of whom were deliberately undereducated Turkish Cypriot who had hostile feeling towards Enosis. Another aspect that Richter highlights is that many claims of torture were made as the alleged victims were afraid for their lives as it was punished by death to speak to the British. [17] Prof David French on the other hand views that most - but not all- claims of torture were just a propaganda tool of EOKA. [18]
==== The campaign against traitors ====
Initially, EOKA was intimidating the population not to co-operate with the security forces, but steadily the definition of traitor broadened and by late 1956, as the security forces were succeeding against EOKA, the definition of "traitor" was widened to include anyone who did not give active aid to the insurgency. [19] EOKA members who had spoken to the security forces under interrogation were also considered as traitors and Grivas was in favor of the death penalty in such case. The decision for an execution was held by Grivas but even though he was very strict, incidences happened where EOKA guerrillas killed others by their own initiative and not solely based on accusations of treason. The killings took place in public spaces. [20] [21]The attacks against traitors peaked during three separate time periods: a)summer and autumn of 1956, b)August 1957, and c) April to October 1958. [22] The last two waves of attacks were aiming the left, as the communist party ( AKEL) wanted a political role in the Greek Cypriot community, refusing EOKA's claim that Makarios spoke on behalf of all Greek Cypriots. As AKEL was growing in numbers, demanded a more active role in representing the Greek Cypriot community, practically denying the role of Archbishop as the legitimate voice of Greek Cypriots. Grivas was unease with the advances of AKEL within the Cypriot community. British delicately fueled the hostility among the two fractions and during August, the first attacks against the left took place in mid-August of 1957. [23]The last wave of intra-Greek violence against the Left occurred in April to October of 1958, when a peace deal was imminent. [24] [25] AKEL held massive demonstrations and sought the help of Makarios which he granted. [24] [25]
- ^ PEKA was the political branch of EOKA
References
- ^ Ρίχτερ 2011, p. 651.
- ^ Ρίχτερ 2011, p. 651-53.
- ^ French 2015, p. 169.
- ^ Holland 1998, p. 198.
- ^ Ρίχτερ 2011, p. 706.
- ^ Ρίχτερ 2011, p. 706-07.
- ^ French 2015, p. 246.
- ^ Ρίχτερ 2011, p. 725.
- ^ Ρίχτερ 2011, p. 653-54.
- ^ French 2015, p. 196.
- ^ a b Ρίχτερ 2011, p. 654.
- ^ French 2015, p. 220.
- ^ Ρίχτερ 2011, p. 657-58.
- ^ Ρίχτερ 2011, p. 659.
- ^ Ρίχτερ 2011, p. 659-61.
- ^ Ρίχτερ 2011, p. 661-665.
- ^ Ρίχτερ 2011, p. 666-68.
- ^ French 2015, p. 222-24.
- ^ French 2015, p. 158-59.
- ^ French 2015, p. 163-64.
- ^ Holland 1998, p. 148:According to Holland "In early August [1956] EOKA had unleashed a series of urban assassinations in which twenty-one Greek 'traitors' had been killed—the victims often sought out in cafes to accentuate the public ritual of the horror"
- ^ French 2015, p. 163.
- ^ Holland 1998, p. 203.
- ^ a b French 2015, p. 166-67.
- ^ a b Ρίχτερ 2011, p. 710-12: in the subchapter "Grivas unleash attack against the Left Cite error: The named reference "FOOTNOTEΡίχτερ2011710-12" was defined multiple times with different content (see the help page).
@ Alexikoua: I guess you can add Newsinger's view on torture in more detail. Anticipating comments! Cinadon36 ( talk) 10:10, 6 December 2018 (UTC)
Nice New job again withh this. I feel that some heads need to change to more neutral descriptions, for example "campaign against trators" to something more precise.
Alexikoua (
talk) 06:45, 11 December 2018 (UTC)
Harding continued to pressure EOKA despite the unilateral truce imposing security measures imposed to villagers. This bounced back at the British Forces as EOKA made gains in the field of propaganda. [1] [2] [3]
Meanwhile, PEKA [a] was continuing the struggle for Enosis with political means, while EOKA was trying to recruit new members. Priests and teachers, under strict secrecy, were the scouting for young men aged 14-24, and were mostly successful. [4] Grivas reorganized EOKA's structure. [5] By Autumn, Grivas was increasing his autonomy from Greece and Makarios and was planning to attack the Left and the Turkish Cypriot community. The Greek government and Makarios were unable to prevent those initiatives. [6]
Detention of Persons Law, passed in 15th June 1955, gave the authority to the British authorities to enclose a suspect in a detention camp without a trial. [7] PEKA and later Makarios and Greek Government pointed to the unhuman conditions in those camps. [8] [9] The situation of the inmates there was a matter of dispute [9] International Committee of the Red Cross visited the camps twice and found no problems. [10] [11]. Harding declined the torture allegations, describing it as propaganda by EOKA. [12] Torture allegations had an impact in internal British politics. [13] The precise use of torture methods remains a matter of dispute. According to Heinz Richter, while police or army was generally lawful, the British turned a blind eye to interrogators many of whom were deliberately undereducated Turkish Cypriot who were against Enosis. Another aspect that Richter highlights is that many claims of torture were made as the alleged victims were afraid for their lives as it was punished by death to speak to the British. [14] David French on the other hand views that most - but not all- claims of torture were a propaganda tool of EOKA. [15] In general Harding failed to win over the Greek Cypriot population especially when his security forces resorted to this kind of measures. [16]
Initially, EOKA was intimidating the population not to co-operate with the security forces, but steadily the definition of traitor broadened as the security forces had some successes EOKA at the end of 1956. [17] EOKA members who had spoken to the security forces under interrogation were also considered as traitors and Grivas was in favor of the death penalty in such case. Incidences happened where EOKA guerrillas killed others by their own initiative and not solely based on accusations for treason. The killings took place in public. [18] [19] Such activity peaked especially during summer-autumn 1956. [20] The Greek Cypriot Left and in particular the communist party ( AKEL) were also targeted. The later aimed at a political role in the Greek Cypriot community challenging EOKA's claim that Makarios was the sole leader of the community. As AKEL was growing in numbers it was practically denying Makarios' role. The British delicately fueled this hostility and in August 1957 a second wave of intra-Greek violence broke out. [21] Another similar wave broke out in April- October 1958 when a peace agreement was imminent. [22] [23] AKEL held massive demonstrations and sought the help of Makarios which he granted. [22] [23]
During this period the British were openly tolarating the Turkish Cypriot paramilitary organisations. The British had dellibaretaly set out to use the Turkish Cypriot community on the island and the Turks government as a means of blocking the demand for Enosis. [24] They had effectively allied themselves with the Turkish minority and turned them as the overwhelming majority in the police force. This had now got out of control as far as the British were concerned, but nevertheless they still managed to exploit the situation. [24]
The truce against the collonial authorities lasted until the 28th of October 1957 ( Ohi Day, Greek national holiday) when Harold Macmillan, British minister of foreign affairs, declined a proposal by Makarios. [25]
References
Seems great Alexikoua, I 've added the text to the artice.
Sir Hugh Foot arrived in Cyprus December 1956, when was obvious that a military victory for the British was not imminent. [1] [2] Grivas at that time was planning a gradual escalation of EOKA's attacks to the British forces but in mid-December, he called for a truce to give space to negotiations to take place. The truce broke at 4th March 1958 when a new wave of attacks was unleashed but this time, Grivas ordered his guerillas not attack turkish cypriots to avoid intercommunal violence that could lead to partition. [3]
Turkish Cypriot community objected Enosis long before the 1950s, as they were afraid of repeated persecution similar to what happened to other Muslim populations in newly formed Balkan countries the previous decades. [4] [5] [6] Grass root paramilitary fighting groups appeared as early as of May 1955, such as Kitemb, KaraYilan (meaning Black Snake) and Volkan, all of them were absorbed later by TMT (Turk Mudya Teskilat/Turkish Resistance Organization) [7] [8] TMT was Turkey's tool to fuel intercommunal violence in order to show that partition was the only possible arrangement. [9] Like EOKA, TMT was aggressive against members of its own community (ie leftists) that were not willing to stay in line with their cause. [10] [11]
EOKA was not targeting the Turkish Cypriots at the beginning of the insurgency, but this approach was about to change in January 1957. [12] [13] According to French, Grivas decided to attack Turkish Cypriot so to spark intercommunal tensions and rioting in the towns of Cyprus, forcing the British withdraw their troops from hunting EOKA up in the mountains and restore order in urban areas. [12] From 19 January 1957 to the end of March, EOKA's guerrillas attacked members of the Turkish community, starting with a Turkish Cypriot police officer that sparked riots lasting 3 days. [14] [15]
Intercommunal (and intra-communal) violence escalated in the summer of 1958 with numerous killings. French counted fifty-five assassinations by Turks on Greeks, and fifty-nine assassinations by Greeks on Turks between 7 June and 7 August. [16] [17] A substantial number of turkish cypriots fled from the southern parts of Cyprus and moved to the northern side due to the violence . [18] In order to tackle the intercommunal clash, Foot mounted Operations "Matchbox" and "Table Lighter". [19] [20] A truce was called at August, backed by Greek and Turkish Governments. [21]
References
Cinadon36 ( talk) 06:51, 4 January 2019 (UTC)
EOKA was headed by Georgios Grivas Greek Army officer, World War I and World War II veteran. During the Axis occupation of Greece in World War II, he led a small, anti-communist resistance [a] group, named Organization X. [1] [2] During the anti-communist struggle of December 1944 in Athens after the Axis withdrawal he was saved due to Biritsh intervention. [3] Grivas assumed the nom de guerre Digenis in direct reference to the legendary Byzantine Digenis Akritas who repelled invaders from the Byzantine Empire. [4] [5] Second in command in EOKA was Grigoris Afxentiou, also a former officer of the Greek army. Afxentiou had graduated from the reserves Officers Academy in 1950 without previous experience on battlefield. [6] [7]
The main objective of EOKA was Enosis: union of Cyprus with Greece. The organization adopted typical Greek national ideologies and displayed religious, conservative and anticommunist ideas. [8] [9] This was in agreement with the ideologies cultivated in vaiours fileds of the Greek Cypriot society: education, religion, press and politics. [10] [11] There was a widespread believe that leftists opposed national objectives and provided a certain support to the colonial regime [12] contrary to other contemporary anticolonial insurgencies in Africa or Asia, which where led by marxists. [13]
Grivas and Archbishop of Cyprus, Makarios III, disagreed about the way to overthrow British rule from the island. Grivas rejected Makarios attempt to limit the campaign to acts of sabotage, avoiding loss of life. Nevertheless he shared Makarios view that victory would be won by diplomatic means. [14] Grivas goal was to subject the British to continued relentless harassment, making them clear that occupation carries a price, while keeping Enosis on the international diplomatic agenda. [15] The British response to the EOKA campaign was crucial in this regard: repression would on the one hand alienate the Greek Cypriot population from British rule, and on the other hand provide Makarios and the Greek government with a stick to beat the British with before the United Nations. EOKA would ensure that there was a Cyprus problem and demonstrate to the world that the British could not resolve it. [15]
Grivas carried out a first reconnaissance in Cyprus as early as July 1951.
[16]
Makarios was certainly sceptical, telling Grivas on one occasion that he would not find supporters for an armed struggle. The British shared the same view. Grivas finally arrived on the island in early November 1954 and set about establishing his underground network.
[17] He recruited from the Cyprus Farmers' Union (PEK) in the villages and from the two main youth movements, the Church-controlled Christian Youth Movement (OHEN) and the nationalist Pancyprian Youth Movement (PEON) in the towns.
[17]
[18] Grivas was particularly concerned with mobilizing the young behind the struggle and was later to identify this as one of the distinctive features of EOKA.He intended to turn the youth of Cyprus 'into the sedbed of EOKA'.
[17]At its peak the organization was to muster seven mountain groups, 47 town groups and 75 villages groups, with a total stranth of just over 1,000 men.
[17] The backbone of EOKA were the mountain groups, a conventional guerrilla force living in hidden camps in the forests, and the town groups, often continuing their civilian job or schooling.
[17] Supporting this armed wing was the much broader National Front of Cyprus (EMAK), which organized the guerrilla movement's sympathizers.
[17] which provided EOKA with intelligence, supplies, weapons, medicins, recruits and safe houses, confronted the British on the streets with demonstrations and riots and conducted the propaganda offensive.
[17]
References
— Preceding unsigned comment added by Alexikoua ( talk • contribs) 00:04, 4 January 2019 (UTC)
EOKA also used intimidation towards local population. A number of scholars characterize EOKA as a terrorist organization due attack on civilians or public utilities[24]which is heavily referenced, I think it reflects the view of many RS. Cinadon36 ( talk) 07:41, 4 January 2019 (UTC)
During the campaign, the British Army was the foremost target of EOKA and a total of 1,144 armed clashes, of which 53% were in the cities, took place between the two forces.Markides, Kyriakos C. (1974). "social change and the rise and decline of social movements: the case of Cyprus1". American Ethnologist. 1 (2). Wiley: 309–330.
doi:
10.1525/ae.1974.1.2.02a00070.
ISSN
0094-0496. {{
cite journal}}
: Invalid |ref=harv
(
help) The campaign resulted in the deaths of 105 British servicemen (according to the official figure)
[1] and 51 policemen.
[2] EOKA also targeted civilian Britons in Cyprus, including women and children, due to their nationalities.
[3]
EOKA also undertook a campaign of suppression against other Greek Cypriots they suspected of being allied to or informing the British. This included 230 assassination attempts, in which 148 were killed, 69 were wounded and only 13 escaped unharmed. As such, the operations against other Greek Cypriots were more efficient than the ones against the British, albeit on a smaller scale.Markides, Kyriakos C. (1974). "social change and the rise and decline of social movements: the case of Cyprus1". American Ethnologist. 1 (2). Wiley: 309–330.
doi:
10.1525/ae.1974.1.2.02a00070.
ISSN
0094-0496. {{
cite journal}}
: Invalid |ref=harv
(
help) 23 out of the 148 killed have since been characterised as
leftists and it has been debated whether EOKA targeted those who did not conform to Grivas' right-wing ideology on the basis of their political views or rather to settle personal differences.
[4]
[5]
References
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cite news}}
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ignored (|url-status=
suggested) (
help)
I removed this section [19], because armed campain is covered in the article. We might use it in the lede, modified ofcourse. Cinadon36 ( talk) 08:09, 28 January 2019 (UTC)
As the security forces weren't able to achieve a definite win over EOKA, the British government was trying to reach a solution that wouldn't embarrass Britain the eyes of the voters. MacMillan Plan was an effort in this direction. Greeks rejected the plan as they saw it as an open door leading to partition and Grivas cancelled the truce on the September 7th. [1] EOKA attacking methods and targets differed significantly from the previous periods. Grivas ordered guerillas to "strike indiscriminately at every English person wherever they can be found" resulting in the death of 8 British citizens in 104 attacks staged by EOKA against security forces in two months time. [2] But while the military force of EOKA was growing, Greek Cypriots were increasingly getting frustrated from the intercommunal violence and the struggle against the British. Makarios hinted in an interview that he was ready to shift his stance and accept independence. This change of direction infuriated Grivas but was backed by influential members of the Greek Cypriot Community. EOKA was losing its broad support base. [3]
During the last months of 1958, all parties had reasons to favour a compromise. Greek Cypriot side was afraid that partition was becoming more and more imminent, Greece was anxious that the ongoing situation could lead to a war with Turkey, Turkey had to manage the ongoing crises at its eastern borders and the British didn't want to see NATO destabilizing because of Greek-Turkish war. On 5 December, foreign ministers of Greece and Turkey acknowledge the common dangers from the ongoing situation and a series of meetings were arranged, that resulted in London-Zürich Agreements a compromise solution in which Cyprus would become an independent and sovereign country. [4] Both Makarios and Grivas accepted the deal with a heavy heart, instead, Turkish-Cypriot leadership was enthusiastic about the compromise. On 9th of March 1959, Grivas issued a leaflet declaring his acceptance to London agreements. [5]
References
This is my new proposal, anticipating comments. @ Alexikoua: would you mind having a look? Cinadon36 ( talk) 18:04, 7 February 2019 (UTC)
I reject it. Is a POV narrative, that neither reflects the NPOV truth, nor even cosely touches it. It is also demonizing and misleading. Jazz1972 ( talk) 19:53, 7 February 2019 (UTC)
Nope, is your arguments that are WP:IDLI and your edits are all POV Jazz1972 ( talk) 22:18, 7 February 2019 (UTC)
I have checked the text using quetext.com and smallseotools.com and it was clear. @ Khirurg: would you mind letting me know where exactly is the plagiarism, so if there is a problem, I may fix it? Cinadon36 ( talk) 08:47, 11 February 2019 (UTC)
As for the source, relying solely on French, it is sure a problematic, but usually, @ Alexikoua: adds text based on Newsinger, so I think a balanced section will be created. Alexikoua, can you lend a helping hand here? Cinadon36 ( talk) 12:37, 11 February 2019 (UTC)
Ok. I'm already working on this. Alexikoua ( talk) 22:34, 11 February 2019 (UTC)
Lysarides and his men were socialists and Tasos Papadopoulos who was in charge of Nicosia sector was centre. All of them were EOKA and EOKA was popular among almost all Greek Cypriots. 3 to 4 traditional Cypriot parties were led by EOKA members. Centre, centre-right and centre-left. So the ideology of EOKA was enosis and self-determination only Jazz1972 ( talk) 19:52, 7 February 2019 (UTC)
So you don't even know who were the presidents of the three parties in Cyprus, while you are pushing the turkish goverment's propaganda POV, everyday, all day long about Cyprus.? You can imagine my shock!!!! Lol!!!! Speaking for POV, the king of it. War is peace ignorance is strength...Lol!!! Of course I have. Do you really think that is a difficult task, to give sources about this....? Jazz1972 ( talk) 22:16, 7 February 2019 (UTC)
"Due to intimidation methods and targeting civilians towards local population a number of scholars characterized EOKA as a terrorist organisation." [20], [21] @ Khirurg: You have pointed out that there is no consensus but failed to show what is the actual problem with it. Note that the sentence is not present in the current version (answering to your second edit summary) Cinadon36 ( talk) 08:06, 8 February 2019 (UTC)
I removed the section "political perception" because it was a Synthesis of Primary sources or Original Research. No scholarly article on the political perception of EOKA was identified. Τζερόνυμο ( talk) 13:28, 24 September 2018 (UTC)
Dear @ Khirurg: Thanks for getting in trouble reviewing my edit. I was so sorry to notice that a part of contribution was reverted, but I believe we can sort it out.
More sources can be found though. I.e.
{{
cite book}}
: Invalid |ref=harv
(
help){{
cite book}}
: Text "Εκδόσεις Παπαζήση" ignored (
help)As for re-inserting the political perception section, I had removed [2] it seems to me that the whole section is Original Reseach and Synthesis using inappropriate sources. Let me give an example or two
The same goes for USA and China, in my honest opinion. The one solution is to remove the text, another solution is to replace it. Here is another ref that discuss the perception of EOKA among greek Cypriots (nationalists and cypriotists)
Sorry for the long text. Τζερόνυμο ( talk) 07:55, 28 September 2018 (UTC)
Here is a proposal on how to change the sub-chapter of perception of EOKA in Cyprus
In Cyprus the perception of EOKA has changed through time. A major turning point was the events of 1974. Before 1974, EOKA’s struggle was seen as aiming to Union (Enosis). After 1974 and the decline of nationalism, EOKA was seen as an anti-colonial independence struggle.{{sfn|Mavratsas|2010|732}} EOKA still spurs tensions among pro-Greek greek Cypriots and Cypriotists (those who support the independent Republic of Cyprus) According oto nationalistic narrative, EOKA was nationalistic in military terms, but its victory was compromised by Makarios who betrayed the ideal of Enosis. The cypriotist camp, on the other hand is very critical of the direction which the anticolonial struggle was pushed by the nationalists and maintains that it makes no sense to talk about a victory. They support Makarios who realized that, given the circumstances, enosis would be disastrous, wisely adopting a policy of independence.{{sfn|Mavratsas|1997|p=732}} reference = Caesar V. Mavratsas (1997) The ideological contest between Greek‐Cypriot nationalism and Cypriotism 1974–1995: Politics, social memory and identity, Ethnic and Racial Studies, 20:4, 717-737, DOI: 10.1080/01419870.1997.9993986
Any thoughts? Τζερόνυμο ( talk) 13:44, 28 September 2018 (UTC)
I feel that starting the story with a promise, is a little awkward. I feel that we should start either from 1878 or the early 20th century, stating that Greek Cypriots felt that Union was a legitimate and natural aim and Turkish Cypriots (the minority) did not feel comfortable with this, to say the least. Also, there is an inaccuracy on AKEL's participation at the plebiscite of 1950. AKEL did not organized the plebiscite, the Church did. AKEL urged for YES and after the plebiscite, a committee of AKEL tried to promote the Union cause to Eastern bloc (as unsuccessfully as the Church's committee to Western bloc) Τζερόνυμο ( talk) 18:07, 28 September 2018 (UTC)
A part of the EOKA's ideology has been removed by @ Dr.K.: as Synthesis. [3]. I really can not understand why it is a synthesis. It is not combined material. If someone understand greek, I can take a photo of the page and post it here (I wont do it though if copyrights are involved). Dr. K, do you think is UNDUE? That could be a debatable argument. Τζερόνυμο ( talk) 08:47, 29 September 2018 (UTC)
Racial prejudice was another part of EOKA's ideology. According to a leaflet be PEKA...is very tenuous. First, there is no inline citation where this statement can be verified. Also, there is no quote from the references to help in verifying this statement. In addition, you should not use Wikipedia's voice to assert these facts, even if the sources state that. A single leaflet is a ridiculous artifact on which to base the assertion that EOKA's ideology was racist. If the assertion was not included in the source, as I suspect, it is obvious SYNTH. If the assertion was made by the source, then the source bases their conclusion on a single leaflet, which is ridiculous, and demonstrates that the source itself is not reliable. Again, someone wrote something stupid on a leaflet. How is this part of EOKA's ideology? How can a single leaflet represent the ideology of EOKA? Did EOKA have a record of denigrating the people of Africa? Where is the proof of that? That a rogue member of EOKA wrote something silly on a single leaflet cannot be used as proof that the whole EOKA organisation had a racist ideology. I just can't believe I have to explain this to you. Dr. K. 09:08, 29 September 2018 (UTC)
The main point of his short bio is that he "became politicised very early in the area of the wider left-wing politics of Cyprus". It is also mentioned this is his first book. Other than a generic "diploma in History/Archaeology", no other academic credentials are mentioned. I think this author is an unreliable source because he is not notable, he has not published any peer-reviewed articles, and his analysis carries a strong leftist POV. Dr. K. 10:30, 29 September 2018 (UTC)Ο Μάριος Θρασυβούλου γεννήθηκε στη Λευκωσία. Πολιτικοποιήθηκε πολύ νωρίς στον ευρύτερο αριστερό χώρο της Κύπρου. Βασικά του ερευνητικά ενδιαφέροντα είναι το Κυπριακό, η ιστορία και η πολιτική της ελληνοκυπριακής και ελληνικής Αριστεράς, καθώς και το σταλινικό φαινόμενο. Έχει δίπλωμα στην Ιστορία-Αρχαιολογία. Η έκδοση "Ο εθνικισμός των Ελληνοκυπρίων" είναι το πρώτο του βιβλίο.
"The form that the national liberation struggle took in Cyprus was contextually related to the form of nationalism that arose within the Greek-Cypriot population and was articulated most forcefully by right-wing and chauvinist elements"sounds much more sober and scholarly to me. Also the new source you provided from Palgrave Mcmillan, looks scholarly to me and the publisher is well-known and respected. If you want to go with the new quote and source, I would agree. Dr. K. 18:29, 29 September 2018 (UTC)
(diffs stored for future use)lol Ktrimi991 ( talk) 18:40, 29 September 2018 (UTC)
EOKA was led by a charismatic religious leader and its memmbers were committed to Hellenism, an ideology which has an important religious aspect.Ktrimi991 ( talk) 18:59, 29 September 2018 (UTC)
Let's not forget that EOKA also included many Left-wing socialist members, and some of them were even in leading positions e.g. Vassos Lyssarides. Having a religious basis doesn't make a movement racist. And in the case of the Greek national identity (both in mainland Greece and in Cyprus), it is historically an ethno-religious one, bound to Orthodox Christianity. 2A02:587:2802:6F00:8839:F08C:5CAA:A4BD ( talk) 20:01, 29 September 2018 (UTC)
This specific contribution by Alexikou, seems to me that has some problems. a)It is taken way out of context. Libitsiouni is discussing rumors among turkish Cypriots, she does not examine when EOKA modified it's target group. b)The resulting narrative created by the newly formed sentence is that EOKA chanced tactics because of the Pogrom. This is wrong. Grivas resisted attacking Turkish Cypriots during the EOKA struggle. First, dead Tc was in January 1956 and was a British security personnel. Intercommunal violence (killing unarmed civilians, both sides) started at June 1958, at Kioneli. Τζερόνυμο ( talk) 22:04, 29 September 2018 (UTC)
I think we can remove references 1, 4 and 5 safely without altering the text. Ref 1 is not a Reliable Source. Ref 4 is not a RS either, is an unsigned text from a site with many advertisements. Ref 5 is also not the ideal RS.(I am talking about this version) Τζερόνυμο ( talk) 09:37, 2 October 2018 (UTC)
Sure, nothing useful about them. Alexikoua ( talk) 11:50, 2 October 2018 (UTC)
"At 1877, the Enosis movement had only few supporters mainly from the upper classes. But that was about to change as two groups of disappointed with the new ruler began to form: the Church and the Usurers. More to that, the following years a growing number of Cypriots were studying in Greece, and upon their return, they were fierce preachers of Enosis."
This is almost ridiculous. Not even Rauf Denktas would make such a fantastical claim. Let's not forget that Greek Cypriots had a Greek national identity even before the creation of the modern Greek state: Cyprus actively participated in the Greek War of Independence, way back in the 1820s (Archbishop Kyprianos was executed in 1821 for being a leading member of Filiki Eteria). If the Enosis movement only had few supporters, then why Cypriots would fight for Greece even before its creation as a state? 31.54.70.5 ( talk) 17:50, 2 October 2018 (UTC)
Hi, thanks for asking this particular matter. I made that contribution. There is a reliable source supporting the text. As for your question, I 'd suggest you search for the answer in the academic literature (not blogs, not youtube). I suggest A concise history of modern Cyprus by Professor Heinz Richter. Τζερόνυμο ( talk) 18:05, 2 October 2018 (UTC)
Karyos article seems legit to me, but as I understand it is not published. I 'll list it as an article, but if you feel otherwise, please feel free to bring the former citation details back. Τζερόνυμο ( talk) 07:18, 3 October 2018 (UTC)
@ Dr.K.: I have noted that you deleted a part of my contribution claiming "Remove more David French POV. Yes, we know, he thinks EOKA are terrorists. It's already included in the article." diff here. It is not POV for someone to claim that EOKA was a terrorist organization. A lot of scholars have the same opinion (see ref number 29 which cites 7 RS in current version). This should be presented in the article, along with the heroics aspects of the struggle. Plus, POV is not a reason for exclusion. You might argue that it is UNDUE, that would be a valid argument. Being POV is not a valid argument. I am not going to re-insert the specific paragraph in the article, for now, as I do not want to spark an edit-war. But please have in mind that when I find another RS telling the same story, I am going to place it once more. Τζερόνυμο ( talk) 14:28, 3 October 2018 (UTC)
EOKA acting like a terrorist organization is certainly not FRINGE.and
Way too many scholars describe it as a terrorist organization (Are all of them are Fringe?)I will WP:AGF that you are confused, rather than accuse you that you are trying to distort my arguments. I didn't say the things you imply in your ridiculous rhetorical questions. Read what I said above. I think you are able to read, so I won't repeat it. Also, if you can't find in the link I gave you French's anachronistic WP:FRINGE POV comparing EOKA to jihadists, including suicide bombers, that's your problem and not mine. As far as the rest of your failed arguments, like your clumsy insinuations about my alleged POV and your equally badly-formulated strawman arguments, I'm not interested to start a petty fight with you. Since you insist on defending this POV source, we simply have to wait for other editors to comment. I can't waste my time further repeating my arguments so that you can ignore them and then counterattack with specious allegations while conveniently ignoring the anachronistic FRINGE POV I pointed out in the link I gave you. So once more, let's wait for other opinions. Finally, the amount of citations for French's books is irrelevant. A book is not a peer-reviewed paper, and the number of citations are not indicators of acceptance of French's WP:FRINGE theory comparing EOKA to jihadists. If French is sincere about academically establishing his fringe POV that EOKA is comparable to jihadists, let him publish a paper in a peer-reviewed journal. If that fringe theory gets published in a respectable peer-reviewed journal, I will be the first to add it to the article.
did nt found that claim in the reference. This is not how it's done. If you can't find something in a reference you ask about it on the article talkpage. You don't remove it. You removed material here also, specifically the part:
which was not connected to the justification you had provided in your edit summary:By 1915, the Greek Cypriots seeing that neither the British investment, nor Enosis, had materialised, increased their opposition to British rule.
The British had withdrew their offer when Greece entered the War. I then had to restore it again. This type of editing is careless at best and disruptive at worst. I advise you to be more careful. Dr. K. 01:58, 4 October 2018 (UTC)
I had asked for a very simple thing, reviews that supported your claim that French is unreliable, making extreme claims etc. You provided none. Ok, let me bring the evidence.This is a bunch of nonsense. First, why would anyone bother to critique yet another FRINGE theory, in this case the one advanced by French comparing EOKA fighters to jihadists. In the real world, books by unremarkable academics often get ignored, as is the case here. That you found some accolades from similarly-minded people, is not surprising. Such positive commentary is to be expected, and it is often solicited by the author. I'm not impressed. In any case, this discussion is useless, as you have taken this matter to RSN, where I replied already. No need to keep this dispute on two places. I also note that, in your reply above, you have not addressed my comments regarding your repeated and arbitrary removal of cited information that I had added to the article. Dr. K. 12:53, 4 October 2018 (UTC)
Inn Wikipedia parlance, the term fringe theory is used in a very broad sense to describe an idea that departs significantly from the prevailing views or mainstream views in its particular field. Because Wikipedia aims to summarize significant opinions with representation in proportion to their prominence, a Wikipedia article should not make a fringe theory appear more notable or more widely accepted than it is.,
We use the term fringe theory in a very broad sense to describe an idea that departs significantly from the prevailing views or mainstream views in its particular field., and
Reliable sources are needed for any article in Wikipedia. They are needed to demonstrate that an idea is sufficiently notable to merit a dedicated article about it. For a fringe view to be discussed in an article about a mainstream idea, independent reliable sources must discuss the relationship of the two as a serious and substantial matter.. Khirurg ( talk) 18:48, 4 October 2018 (UTC)
Just because an idea is not accepted by most experts does not mean it should be removed from Wikipedia. The threshold for whether a topic should be included in Wikipedia as an article is generally covered by notability guidelines. The complicated relationship between the level of acceptance of an idea and its notability is explored below.and FRINGENOT
WP:FRINGE has nothing to do with politics or opinions. (For example, a small political party may be a fringe party, but it is not appropriate to cite FRINGE when discussing such parties.) Politics and opinions may be on 'the fringe' of public perception, but the matter of our FRINGE guideline deals directly with what can be proven or demonstrated using the scientific method by academics, scholars, and scientists. Political opinions about recent history, future predictions, social opinion, and popular culture cannot be fringe because the basis of the opinion is not scientific or academic.Τζερόνυμο ( talk) 19:10, 4 October 2018 (UTC)
I havent seen D. French making such claim, to be honest. But fringe opinions by academics have a place in WP anyway- as per WP:FRINGE.(please see my previous post). Now you are going around in circles. You have just said that
I havent seen D. French making such claim, to be honest.If you haven't seen the claim, then how can you judge it? I have seen the claim and I judge it to be fringe. Now, let's stop this circular discussion. The matter is at RSN. It's up to the wiki now. No need to keep discussing this among us, especially since there seems to be no convergence. Dr. K. 04:10, 5 October 2018 (UTC)
David French is prof. emeritus of UCL. His books are a p good source, esp. considering what sources one can often find in wiki´s historical articles.
Dear @ Alexikoua:, concerning this edit of yours, I think the author justs states the obvious: it is stigmatized as collaborators. Xhi has been considered nazi collaborators by many greeks and various authors, so the fairest thing to say is that it is stigmatized and not get into the core of the heated debate wheather they were or weren't collaborators. So should I bring in more sources linking X with the nazis? Τζερόνυμο ( talk) 04:25, 9 October 2018 (UTC)
a number ‘of its [Xhi’s] associates were tainted with the stigma of collaboration, not the organization as a whole. If this happens again, we are going to have big problems. Second, this article is not about X, and there is no overlap between the two. Any material about X will be removed per WP:COATRACK. Khirurg ( talk) 05:22, 9 October 2018 (UTC)
Here is what the article states in the current version: "After the war and during the [[Hellenic Civil War]], he led Organisation X in opposing the left wing [[Greek People's Liberation Army|ELAS]] resistance.{{sfn|Ganser|2005|p=213}} Lets see what Ganser writes in his book.
"The turn around of the British came as a shock to ELAS and its difficulties increased when former Nazi collaborators and right-wing special units, such as
the fascist X Bands of Cypriot soldier George Grivas, with British support started to hunt and kill ELAS resistance fighters"
Now, that is a blatant misquotation. Τζερόνυμο ( talk) 05:59, 9 October 2018 (UTC)
@ Khirurg: I have noticed that you reverted massive well-cited material that improved the article. You claimed in the edit summary "rv massive, unexplained changes (not even edit summaries), POV language, bad grammar. This is not how we do things". If it is grammar-->you can improve it. As for POV language, I used the language in the text. I have added the armed struggle as illustrated in the work of prof David French, Heinz Richer and Robert Holland (by far the very best sources used in the article that are specific for EOKA). It was a huge improvement compared to the version you reverted to. So I am asking, why? Cinadon36 ( talk) 18:16, 19 October 2018 (UTC)
(unindent) Here's just one example of the kind of dishonest sourcing and cherry-picking: In Cinadon's version of the article [9], we are led to believe that claims of torture of EOKA members are spurious, but in fact according to French himself, "use of torture was endemic" [10] and [11]. But this is left out of the article. This is a perfect example of selective quoting and selective sourcing to push a narrative. Khirurg ( talk) 21:49, 19 October 2018 (UTC)
Nevertheless he [French] goes on to quote an Intelligence Corps veteran that in Cyprus 'torture of suspects was endemic'. Dr. K. 22:43, 19 October 2018 (UTC)
The armed struggle started 30 minutes after midnight on 31 March to 1 April 1955 with explosions in Nicosia, Limassol and Larnaca. In general, the greatest success was the team of Markos Drakos in Nicosia, where he managed to damage the radio transmitter of value 150 thousand US dollars. British forces were not expecting any attacks and had minimal security at the time of the attack. Barracks were not yet ready as military personnel was moving from Canal Zone to Cyprus. Modestos Panteli was the first casualty of the insurgency. [1] [2] Next day, Grivas published a pamphlet where he explained his objective, using histrionic and hyperbolic language in order to stoke up the courage of Greek-cypriots. [2] The first wave of attacks ended on 9 April. [3]
The following wave began the evening of 19– 20 June and endured until the 28th of June. This time, aside from military and government structures, assaulted police stations and individual policemen and soldiers, both in their homes and in bars. [3] By then the initial focus of the EOKA killer groups was the Special Branch. Assaults on individual policemen and their homes additionally duplicated. They were not always deadly, but on 10 August a Greek Cypriot special constable was killed in Nicosia, an assassination that was intended to tell the Greek Cypriot community not to side with the police. [4]By September, the morale of the low paid police officers had collapsed. [5]
References
- ^ Ρίχτερ 2011, p. 248-250.
- ^ a b French 2015, p. 71.
- ^ a b French 2015, p. 72.
- ^ French 2015, p. 73.
- ^ French 2015, p. 74.
What do you say about it? I thought I should write about the pre-1st of April events (EMAK and St George) but I was afraid that the article would tend to be too long. Cinadon36 ( talk) 23:34, 19 October 2018 (UTC)
Next day, Grivas published a pamphlet where he explained his objective, using histrionic and hyperbolic language in order to stoke up the courage of Greek-cypriots..
By then the initial focus of the EOKA killer groups was the Special Branch.These POV descriptions have to go. It is just French's strong POV. Dr. K. 23:36, 19 October 2018 (UTC)
{{efn|According to British and Turkish Cypriot narrative, members of EOKA were characterized as ‘gangsters’, ‘murderers’,‘killers’, and ‘terrorists’ while for most Greek Cypriots, EOKA members were heroic freedom fighters}}
In this case we could use the word "guerilla.
Cinadon36 (
talk) 00:26, 20 October 2018 (UTC)
The Trilateral London Conference among Britain, Turkey and Greece was held from 29 August to 7 September without reaching an agreement. Turkey held a tough stance, as Zorlou was insisted that Turkey will never accept Cyprus to fell in Greek hands. [1] [2] Meanwhile, the Istanbul pogrom against the Greeks in Istanbul had taken place during the night of 6 and 7 September 1955. The previous weeks, rumors had mounted that Greek Cypriots were about to attack Turkish-Cypriots, rumors were proven wrong- there was no such plan. [3] This failure led Grivas to increased its efforts and on 9 October, EOKA embarked on the ‘Operation Forward to Victory’ which lasted until the deportation of Makarios, in March 1956. [4] [5] During that time, there had been 520 security incidence (54 House bombings, 116 riots, 87 sabotage, 133 ambushes, 31 attacks on police, 57 attacks on soldiers 42 raids on police stations) [6]
Meanwhile, the British Empire changed the governor of Cyprus, Armitage's place took Field-Marshal Sir John Harding, a move seen by some as handing the problem to the military. Harding knew though he was appointed as a civilian governor [7] Soon after his arrival, Harding seeked to meet Archbishop Makarios, starting what is known as Harding-Makarios negotiations. [8]
But it was school children, who were in the forefront of rioting in the autumn and winter of 1955–6 in an uprising, riots that escalated to the Battle of Flags. [9] [10] The youth trained to throw bombs and carry assasinations [11]The photos of children rioting against the British soldier became a powerful propaganda weapon for EOKA [9] [12] Riots were aggravated by the trial of a twenty-two-year-old Greek-Cypriot, Michael Karaolis, for the murder of Constable Poullis, a policeman shot in Ledra Street, Nicosia. Karaolis's trial drew publicity and amid tensions, was found guilty, and sentenced to death. [13] [14]
House bombing continued at the autumn and winter of 1955. Mostly, British personnel living in rented accommodation within towns and villages. In December an army chaplain, his wife and four-year-old daughter were ‘moderately injured’ when a grenade landed in their dining room. Another child was injured in early January when a bomb exploded at his father’s home in Nicosia. The most serious injury was inflicted on the wife of an army sergeant whose foot was blown off when a bomb was thrown through a bedroom window. [15] [16]The only fatality was Georgios Charalambous, killed when his own bomb exploded prematurely. [16]
Most of the raids on police stations were fire shots and bombing over the walls. At a few instances, EOKA's guerillas managed to steal some weaponry. Such attacks occurred at Lefkoniko, Rizokarpasso, Yialousa, and Ayios Therapon. But in January of 1956, army secured the most vulnerable police stations and EOKA resumed bomb-throwing attacks at police stations. The same pattern of attack was followed at army camps. [17]
In November EOKA members constructed a network of seven hideouts, near and overlooking Spilia and Kourdhai in the Troodos mountains. They used the hideout to unleash several ambushes, leaving a soldier dead and three wounded. But in mid-December's Grivas's gang faced a setback when they were forced to relocate when they ambushed a 45 men strong Commando group. [18] [19]In another ambush two days later, a guerilla died and two others were arrested. Because of these drawbacks and with the harsh weather condition, the activity of EOKA eased during winter. [18] [18] [20] Telephone lines and post offices were also targets. [21]
References
- ^ Ρίχτερ 2011, p. 299 & 313.
- ^ Holland 1998, p. 73:Zourlou seems to have taken an extreme stance. As Holland puts it: Zorlu proceeded to put the Turkish case in its most extreme form, as he had been encouraged to do. It need have surprised nobody that, rhetorically, he went the whole hog. His argument that any alteration of the status quo in Cyprus would automatically throw into question the legal basis of the settlement arrived at in the Lausanne Treaty of 1923 was grist to this mill. Turning from law to geography, Zorlu pointed out that not only was Cyprus closer to Anatolia than to Greece, it was part of Anatolia, having been linked to it by land within recent geological eras, so that 'when we take into account the state of the population in Cyprus, it is not sufficient to say ... that 100,000 Turks live there. One should rather say that 24,000,000 Turks live there.' Zorlu went on to make the claim that if self-determination were ever to be applied in Cyprus, 'the guiding principle shall not be the consideration of majorities and minorities, but rather the granting of full equality to the two [ethnic] groups'
- ^ Ρίχτερ 2011, p. 313- 326.
- ^ French 2015, p. 82-83.
- ^ Ρίχτερ 2011, p. 375:Richter claims that the aim of the attacks was to force the enemy (British) to spread their forces. Richter mentions an attack in Mitseros mine where EOKA and an attack in Famagusta Port, where the guerrillas seized arms that had just arrived from Suez
- ^ French 2015, p. 83-84.
- ^ Holland 1998, p. 83-84.
- ^ Holland 1998, p. 84-85.
- ^ a b French 2015, p. 86.
- ^ Ρίχτερ 2011, p. 376.
- ^ Ρίχτερ 2011, p. 383:Richter cites Cyprus Government, Corruption of Youth in Support of Terrorism, Government Printing Office, Nicosia, 1957 pp. 18,22. Richter seems to agree with the report
- ^ Holland 1998, p. 92.
- ^ Holland 1998, p. 90-91.
- ^ Ρίχτερ 2011, p. 376 & 378-381:Worth noting that Rauf Denktaş was the prosecutor. Eyewitness were hard to find because they were afraid for the consequences. The defense presented some witnesses who were deemed unreliable, according to Richter. Karaolis sentence was announced in October 28th that sparked further furor
- ^ Ρίχτερ 2011, p. 482.
- ^ a b French 2005, p. 86.
- ^ French 2005, p. 87.
- ^ a b c French 2005, p. 88-89.
- ^ Ρίχτερ 2011, p. 385-86.
- ^ Ρίχτερ 2011, p. 386.
- ^ French 2005, p. 89.
Any objections? Cinadon36 ( talk) 07:40, 20 October 2018 (UTC)
Other than that it's ok. Khirurg ( talk) 21:43, 20 October 2018 (UTC)
as [[Fatin Rüştü Zorlu|Zorlou]] was insisted that Turkey will never accept Cyprus to fell in Greek hands or any form of self-determination
. I wouldn't like to change the word "tough" as it would be me judging from a greek perspective. Writing Zourlu's stance as extremist would be a anti-Turkish POV. But anyway, if you insist, I don't feel to strongly about it.(Harding had banned raising the greek flags in schools. Soldiers were sent to schools to take the flags down, only to be raised again upon their departure)
"The photos of children rioting against the British soldier, and subsequently of British manhandling and whipping the schoolboys became a powerful propaganda weapon for EOKA
?See below for my counter-proposal:
The Trilateral London Conference among Britain, Turkey and Greece was held from 29 August to 7 September without reaching an agreement. Turkey held an extremely tough stance, as Zorlou was insisted that Turkey will never any self-determination for Cyprus, saying any change inthe status quo would call into question the Lausanne Treaty of 1923, and further insisting that Cyprus was geologically part of Anatolia. [1] [2] Then, on the night of September 6 and 7, the Istanbul pogrom against the Greeks in Istanbul had took place. In the preceding weeks, rumors had circulated in Turkey that Greek Cypriots were about to attack Turkish-Cypriots, rumors which were eventually proven wrong- there was no such plan. [3] The failure of the trilateral talks led Grivas to increased its efforts and on 9 October, EOKA embarked on the ‘Operation Forward to Victory’ which lasted until the deportation of Makarios, in March 1956. [4] [5] During that time, there had been 520 security incidence (54 House bombings, 116 riots, 87 sabotage, 133 ambushes, 31 attacks on police, 57 attacks on soldiers 42 raids on police stations) [6]
Meanwhile, the British Empire changed the governor of Cyprus, Armitage's place took Field-Marshal Sir John Harding, a move seen by some as handing the problem to the military. Harding knew though he was appointed as a civilian governor [7] Soon after his arrival, Harding sought to meet Archbishop Makarios, starting what is known as Harding-Makarios negotiations. [8]
In the autumn of 1955 and winter of 1955-1956, the Battle of Flags took place, when Harding prohibited flying the Greek flag from schools. [9] [10] This placed high schoolers at the forefront of the struggle. [11] The photos of rioting children being manhandled by British soldiers and whipped became a powerful propaganda weapon for EOKA [9] [12] The riots were aggravated by the trial of a twenty-two-year-old Greek-Cypriot, Michael Karaolis, for the murder of Constable Poullis, a policeman shot in Ledra Street, Nicosia. Karaolis's trial drew publicity and amid tensions, was found guilty, and sentenced to death. Former Turkish Cypriot leader Rauf Denktash was the prosecutor. [13] [14]
At the same time, EOKA resumed its campaign of house bombings of British personnel living in rental units outside the military cantonments. About a dozen people were injured, including women and children [15] [16], but the only fatality was Georgios Charalambous, killed when his own bomb exploded prematurely. [16]
Most of the raids on police stations were fire shots and bombing over the walls. At a few instances, EOKA's guerillas managed to steal some weaponry. Such attacks occurred at Lefkoniko, Rizokarpasso, Yialousa, and Ayios Therapon. But in January of 1956, army secured the most vulnerable police stations and EOKA resumed bomb-throwing attacks at police stations. The same pattern of attack was followed at army camps. [17]
In November EOKA members constructed a network of seven hideouts, near and overlooking Spilia and Kourdhai in the Troodos mountains. They used the hideout to unleash several ambushes, leaving a soldier dead and three wounded. But in mid-December's Grivas's guerillas faced a setback when they were forced to relocate when they ambushed a 45 men strong Commando group. [18] [19]In another ambush two days later, a guerilla died and two others were arrested. Because of these drawbacks and with the harsh weather condition, the activity of EOKA eased during winter. [18] [18] [20] Telephone lines and post offices were also targets. [21]
References
- ^ Ρίχτερ 2011, p. 299 & 313.
- ^ Holland 1998, p. 73:Zourlou seems to have taken an extreme stance. As Holland puts it: Zorlu proceeded to put the Turkish case in its most extreme form, as he had been encouraged to do. It need have surprised nobody that, rhetorically, he went the whole hog. His argument that any alteration of the status quo in Cyprus would automatically throw into question the legal basis of the settlement arrived at in the Lausanne Treaty of 1923 was grist to this mill. Turning from law to geography, Zorlu pointed out that not only was Cyprus closer to Anatolia than to Greece, it was part of Anatolia, having been linked to it by land within recent geological eras, so that 'when we take into account the state of the population in Cyprus, it is not sufficient to say ... that 100,000 Turks live there. One should rather say that 24,000,000 Turks live there.' Zorlu went on to make the claim that if self-determination were ever to be applied in Cyprus, 'the guiding principle shall not be the consideration of majorities and minorities, but rather the granting of full equality to the two [ethnic] groups'
- ^ Ρίχτερ 2011, p. 313- 326.
- ^ French 2015, p. 82-83.
- ^ Ρίχτερ 2011, p. 375:Richter claims that the aim of the attacks was to force the enemy (British) to spread their forces. Richter mentions an attack in Mitseros mine where EOKA and an attack in Famagusta Port, where the guerrillas seized arms that had just arrived from Suez
- ^ French 2015, p. 83-84.
- ^ Holland 1998, p. 83-84.
- ^ Holland 1998, p. 84-85.
- ^ a b French 2015, p. 86.
- ^ Ρίχτερ 2011, p. 376.
- ^ Ρίχτερ 2011, p. 383:Richter cites Cyprus Government, Corruption of Youth in Support of Terrorism, Government Printing Office, Nicosia, 1957 pp. 18,22. Richter seems to agree with the report
- ^ Holland 1998, p. 92.
- ^ Holland 1998, p. 90-91.
- ^ Ρίχτερ 2011, p. 376 & 378-381:Worth noting that Rauf Denktaş was the prosecutor. Eyewitness were hard to find because they were afraid for the consequences. The defense presented some witnesses who were deemed unreliable, according to Richter. Karaolis sentence was announced in October 28th that sparked further furor
- ^ Ρίχτερ 2011, p. 482.
- ^ a b French 2005, p. 86.
- ^ French 2005, p. 87.
- ^ a b c French 2005, p. 88-89.
- ^ Ρίχτερ 2011, p. 385-86.
- ^ Ρίχτερ 2011, p. 386.
- ^ French 2005, p. 89.
Makarios was sent to exile ( Seychelles) on 9th of March 1956. His capability of controlling Grivas violence was reduced. [1] Deportition of Makarios drew criticism in Britain, stanned the Cypriots and hostility arose in Greece [2] The next phase of the campaign on Cyprus lasted from March 1956 until March 1957 [1], when Grivas declared a unilateral truce. During this period there had been 104 Date House bombings, 53 riots, 136 acts of Sabotage, 403 ambushes, 35 attacks on police, 38 attacks on soldiers and 43 raids on police stations. The pattern of EOKA operations also changed significantly. Most house bombings and riots were ordered by EOKA as a way of forcing the army to commit more troops to the towns and so relieve pressure on the mountain gangs. Most house bombers and rioters had been school boys. [3] The pattern of sabotage operations remained the same. [4]
Individual members of security forces were targets. In September 1956, an army doctor was killed in his car, at a stop sign. [5] Greekcypriot Assistant Superintendent Kyriacos Aristotelous was assassinated on 15 April 1956 while leaving the maternity clinic in Nicosia after visiting his wife and four-day-old son. [6] [7] In total, there had been 77 dead men in Security Forces, 70 Greek Cypriot- mostly by the hand of EOKA after they have been listed as traitors, 2 Turkish Cypriots and 5 British civilians. [8] Other acts of terrorism occurred such as the killing of the son of a soldier in a beach near Dekelia base [9] A Maltese shop owner (fiance of a greek Cypriot woman) was killed by shooting in the back. [9]The photo of his fiance looking at his dead body went viral. Another couple, a British customs officer and his wife, was murdered while picnicked. [9]On 16 June 1956, the bombing of a restaurant by EOKA led to the death of William P. Boteler, a CIA officer working under diplomatic cover. Grivas immediately issued a statement denying a deliberate attempt to target American citizens. [10] [11]
Governor Harding carried out a series of operation from April until July [a] that failed to eradicate EOKA but they were nonetheless a severe blow to EOKA as it was never again as effective as the first half of 1956. [13] New techniques, better intelligence and more troops, led to a decrease in EOKA's activity between November 1956 and 14 March 1957, when Grivas declared a unilateral ceasefire. [14]
The security forces had also run a counter-gang organization (named X-platoon), probably since September 1956. It has been estimated that in a six-month period the X-platoon killed, captured, or obtained information leading to the identification and capture of thirty-five hard-core EOKA terrorists, forty-seven village group members, five policemen, and twenty priests who were actively helping EOKA, together with considerable quantities of weapons and explosives [15]
Feeling the pressure of Harding's rigid grip on the mountains of Troodos, Grivas embarked upon the far more dangerous strategy of ordering town groups to attack Turkish Cypriot members of the police force in the expectation that doing so was bound to provoke intercommunal violence, which the government could only contain by withdrawing troops from the mountains. [16] Insurgents throw two bombs at a group of Turkish Cypriot policemen killing one of them. This incidence sparked inter-communal riots in Nicosia the next day, and a series of strikes as Greek Cypriot workers protested at Turkish violence in Nicosia [16] [17]
By March 1957 neither EOKA or the security forces could claim victory. The very best of Grivas guerillas have been captured or killed, the Limassol arm smuggling network had been eliminated. The security forces were on top but did not eradicate EOKA, they had only contained its campaign of agitational terrorism. [18] Grivas declared truce on the 14th of March 1957. [19]
References
- ^ a b French 2015, p. 106.
- ^ Holland, p. 120 & 124.
- ^ French 2015, p. 107-109.
- ^ French 2015, p. 109.
- ^ French & 2015 110.
- ^ French & 2015 111.
- ^ Ρίχτερ 2011, p. 489-491:Richter claims that the assassination took place in the hospital's ward, while Aristotelous was talking to the doctor. The doctor was injured, according to Richter
- ^ French 2015, p. 112.
- ^ a b c Ρίχτερ 2011, p. 493.
- ^ Ted Gup 2000, p. 90.
- ^ Ρίχτερ 2011, p. 496.
- ^ French 2015, p. 135.
- ^ French 2015, p. 136.
- ^ French 2015, p. 145.
- ^ French 2015, p. 146.
- ^ a b French 2015, p. 152.
- ^ Ρίχτερ 2011, p. 491-92 :According to Ricter, the Turkish-Cypriot policeman Ali Riza was killed outside of his house in Paphos.
- ^ French 2015, p. 157.
- ^ Ρίχτερ 2011, p. 651.
Your comments please. Cinadon36 ( talk) 06:22, 22 October 2018 (UTC)
This text needs severe copy-edit in order to have a change to be part of the article. Also note that "terrorist" is POV since after 1960 they are considered freedom fighters in Cyprus. Alexikoua ( talk) 19:19, 22 October 2018 (UTC)
is a copyvio from French's book Fighting EOKA: The British Counter-Insurgency Campaign on Cyprus. That's bad enough. But also the phrasing belongs in a book or novel. It does not belong in an encyclopædia. Descriptions such asBy March 1957 neither EOKA or the security forces could claim victory. The very best of Grivas guerillas have been captured or killed, the Limassol arm smuggling network had been eliminated. The security forces were on top but did not eradicate EOKA, they had only contained its campaign of agitational terrorism.
The security forces were on top ..., and
The very best of Grivas guerillas have been captured or killed, the Limassol arm smuggling network had been eliminated...is not encyclopædic writing, even if it were not copyvio from French. I am also concerned that large portions of this article are being uncritically converted into French's POV, making the reliance of this article on French a severe violation of WP:UNDUE. For example, the terminology
agitational terrorismis a favourite of French. Just check his book. Also "killer groups", which are dismissive of EOKA as packs of killers. I don't think these descriptions are scholarly. This cannot go on. The article cannot rely so much on a single source, even if we did not have the copyvio problems and the broad usage of verbatim copying of French's dismissive POV descriptions of EOKA. Dr. K. 22:10, 22 October 2018 (UTC)
I will request the help of other users on these subjects, as there may be strong pro-EOKA (pro-Greek) bias among us. Cinadon36 ( talk) 08:06, 23 October 2018 (UTC)
strong pro-EOKA (pro-Greek) bias, even if you do it in a WP:WEASEL way. If you continue along that path, I will give you a formal WP:NPA warning. Dr. K. 19:17, 23 October 2018 (UTC)
I will take the section back to the sandbox and bring it back. The copyvio problem will be addressed. As for French, he is a RS and will be used, according to the policies and guidelines of WP. Cinadon36 ( talk) 06:32, 24 October 2018 (UTC)
Please see discussion above. Cinadon36 ( talk) 08:06, 23 October 2018 (UTC)
{{
rfc}}
template. --
Redrose64 🌹 (
talk) 09:56, 24 October 2018 (UTC)
Makarios was sent to exile ( Seychelles) on 9th of March 1956 [a] and thus his capability of controlling Grivas violence was reduced. [2] [3] As French notes, in this period, EOKA carried two separate terroristic campaigns, one aiming the British administrations and the other one was targeting those GCs who were not supportive of his cause. [2] The next phase of the campaign on Cyprus lasted from March 1956 until March 1957. [2] During this period had been 104 Date House bombings, 53 riots, 136 acts of Sabotage, 403 ambushes, 35 attacks on police, 38 attacks on soldiers and 43 raids on police stations. The pattern of EOKA operations also changed significantly. Most house bombings and riots were ordered by EOKA as a way of forcing the army to commit more troops to the towns and so relieve pressure on the mountain gangs. Most house bombers and rioters had been schoolboys. [4] The pattern of sabotage operations remained the same. [5]
Individual members of security forces were targets. In September 1956, an army doctor was killed in his car, at a stop sign. [6] Greekcypriot Assistant Superintendent Kyriacos Aristotelous was assassinated on 15 April 1956 while leaving the maternity clinic in Nicosia after visiting his wife and four-day-old son. [7] [8] In total, there had been 77 dead men in Security Forces, 70 Greek Cypriot- mostly by the hand of EOKA after they have been listed as traitors, 2 Turkish Cypriots and 5 British civilians. [9] Other acts of terrorism occurred such as the killing of the son of a soldier in a beach near Dekelia base [10] A Maltese shop owner (fiance of a Greek Cypriot woman) was killed by shooting in the back. [10]The photo of his fiance looking at his dead body went viral. Another couple, a British customs officer and his wife, was murdered while picnicked. [10]On 16 June 1956, the bombing of a restaurant by EOKA led to the death of William P. Boteler, a CIA officer working under diplomatic cover. Grivas immediately issued a statement denying a deliberate attempt to target American citizens. [11] [12]
Governor Harding carried out a series of operation from April until July [b] that failed to eradicate EOKA but they were nonetheless a severe blow to EOKA as it was never again as effective as the first half of 1956. [14] New techniques, better intelligence and more troops, led to a decrease in EOKA's activity between November 1956 and 14 March 1957, when Grivas declared a unilateral ceasefire. [15] The security forces had also run a counter-gang organization (named X-platoon), probably since September 1956. It has been estimated that in a six-month period the X-platoon killed, captured, or obtained information leading to the identification and capture of thirty-five hard-core EOKA terrorists and others who were actively supporting EOKA [16]
Feeling the pressure of Harding's rigid grip on the mountains of Troodos, Grivas embarked upon the far more dangerous strategy of ordering town groups to attack Turkish Cypriot members of the police force in the expectation that doing so was bound to provoke intercommunal violence, which the government could only contain by withdrawing troops from the mountains. [17] Insurgents throw two bombs at a group of Turkish Cypriot policemen killing one of them. This incidence sparked bloody inter-communal riots in Nicosia the next day, and a series of strikes as Greek Cypriot workers protested at Turkish violence in Nicosia [17] [18]
By March 1957 neither EOKA or the security forces could claim victory. Grivas best men were eliminated as it was its arms smuggling network. But the security forces were far from declaring victory. [19] Grivas declared truce on the 14th of March 1957. [20]
- ^ Deportation of Makarios though drew criticism in Britain, stunned the Cypriots and hostility arose in Greece [1]
- ^ These operations have been a) Operation ‘Kennett’b) Operation ‘Pepperpot’, c) Operation ‘Lucky Alphonse’ and d)Operation ‘Spread Eagle’. 21 soldiers died at a forest fire during Lucky Alphonse [13]
References
- ^ Holland, p. 120 & 124.
- ^ a b c French 2015, p. 106.
- ^ Ρίχτερ 2011, p. 486:Richer also mentions the memoirs of Grivas, who was stating that after the deportation of Makarios, he was the political and military leader of the isurgency. In greek: "Πολιτικός και στρατιωτικός αγών, συνδεδασμένος πλέον, θα έπρεπε να αναλυφθεί υπ' εμού. Richter cites p 94 of Grivas memoirs, the greek edition
- ^ French 2015, p. 107-109.
- ^ French 2015, p. 109.
- ^ French & 2015 110.
- ^ French & 2015 111.
- ^ Ρίχτερ 2011, p. 489-491: Richter claims that the assassination took place in the hospital's ward, while Aristotelous was talking to the doctor. The doctor was injured, according to Richter
- ^ French 2015, p. 112.
- ^ a b c Ρίχτερ 2011, p. 493.
- ^ Ted Gup 2000, p. 90.
- ^ Ρίχτερ 2011, p. 496.
- ^ French 2015, p. 135.
- ^ French 2015, p. 136.
- ^ French 2015, p. 145.
- ^ French 2015, p. 146.
- ^ a b French 2015, p. 152.
- ^ Ρίχτερ 2011, p. 491-92 :According to Ricter, the Turkish-Cypriot policeman Ali Riza was killed outside of his house in Paphos.
- ^ French 2015, p. 157.
- ^ Ρίχτερ 2011, p. 651.
The copyvio problems have been addressed. The phrase "Killer group" has been deleted. Some other phrases have been eliminated as well. French is still the main RS of the section (He is the best RS available after all). Is it ok? Cinadon36 ( talk) 08:33, 24 October 2018 (UTC)
Ktrimi991, if you can find an alternative wording, without discarding the meaning of the text, please go ahead. As for the copyvio, I do not think there are any problems in this version. If there are, someone should point them out, so we could resolve the issue. As for the language, it can be improved in a later stage, and I would like to remind everybody that perfection is not required. See WP:IMPERFECT. Thanks Cinadon36 ( talk) 18:49, 27 October 2018 (UTC)EOKA conducted two parallel terrorist campaigns. It waged a campaign of agitational terror which took the form of attacks against the security forces and symbols of government. This was intended to undermine the prestige of the British administration, to demonstrate that it was no longer capable of ruling the island, and to persuade the British government that the price of blocking Enosis was more than it could afford. It is this campaign, and the British response to it, which will be the focus of this chapter. But EOKA also waged a campaign of enforcement terror. This took the form of efforts to intimidate, and where intimidation failed to assassinate, those Greek Cypriots who were not willing to lend their support to its campaign for Enosis or who actively worked against it. The conduct of that campaign, and the British response to it, will be examined in the next chapter.
Makarios was sent to exile in Seychelles on 9 March 1956. [a] Makarios' capability of controlling Grivas' violence was reduced. [2] [3] As French notes, in this period EOKA carried two separate campaigns, one aiming the British administration and the other one those Greek Cypriots who were not supportive of its cause. [2] The next phase of the campaign on Cyprus lasted from March 1956 to March 1957. [2] During it there were 104 date house bombings, 53 riots, 136 acts of sabotage, 403 ambushes, 35 attacks on police, 38 attacks on soldiers and 43 raids on police stations. The pattern of EOKA operations changed drastically. Most house bombings and riots were ordered by EOKA as a way of making the army commit more troops to the towns, thus relieving pressure on the mountain gangs. Most house bombers and rioters were schoolboys. [4] The pattern of sabotage operations remained the same. [5]
Individual members of security forces were targets. In September 1956, an army doctor was killed in his car. [6] Greek Cypriot Assistant Superintendent Kyriacos Aristotelous was assassinated on 15 April 1956 while leaving the maternity clinic in Nicosia after visiting his wife and four-day-old son. [7] [8] In total, there were 77 dead men in Security Forces, 70 Greek Cypriot- most of them victims of EOKA after they had been listed as traitors, 2 Turkish Cypriots and 5 British civilians. [9] Similar acts included the killing of the son of a soldier in a beach near Dekelia base. [10] A Maltese shop owner (fiance of a Greek Cypriot woman) was killed by shooting in the back. [10] The photo of his fiance looking at his dead body went viral at the time. Another couple, a British customs officer and his wife, was murdered while being in a picnic. [10] On 16 June 1956, the bombing of a restaurant by EOKA led to the death of William P. Boteler, a CIA officer working under diplomatic cover. Grivas immediately denied a deliberate attempt to target American citizens. [11] [12]
Governor Harding carried out a series of operations between April and July [b] that failed to eradicate EOKA but were still a severe blow to the organization as it was never again as effective as in the first half of 1956. [14] New techniques, better intelligence and more troops led to a decrease in EOKA's activity between November 1956 and 14 March 1957, when Grivas declared a unilateral ceasefire. [15] The security forces also ran a counter-gang organization (named X-platoon) perhaps since September 1956. It has been estimated that in a six-month period the X-platoon killed, captured or obtained information leading to the identification and capture of thirty-five hard-core EOKA members, as well as others who were active supporters. [16]
Feeling the pressure of Harding's rigid grip on the mountains of Troodos, Grivas embarked upon the more delicate strategy of ordering town groups to attack Turkish Cypriot members of the police forced hoping that doing so was bound to provoke intercommunal violence, which the government could only contain by withdrawing its troops from the mountains. [17] Insurgents threw two bombs at a group of Turkish Cypriot policemen killing one of them. This incident sparked bloody inter-communal riots in Nicosia the next day, and a series of strikes as Greek Cypriot workers protested at Turkish violence in Nicosia. [17] [18]
By March 1957 neither EOKA nor the security forces were able to claim victory. Although Grivas' best men and his arms smuggling network were eliminated, the security forces were far from declaring victory. [19] Grivas declared truce on 14 March 1957. [20]
- ^ The deportation of Makarios drew criticism in Britain, stunned the Cypriots and caused hostility in Greece. [1]
- ^ These operations were a) Operation ‘Kennett’b) Operation ‘Pepperpot’, c) Operation ‘Lucky Alphonse’ and d)Operation ‘Spread Eagle’. 21 soldiers died at a forest fire during Lucky Alphonse [13]
References
- ^ Holland, p. 120 & 124.
- ^ a b c French 2015, p. 106.
- ^ Ρίχτερ 2011, p. 486:Richer also mentions that in his memoirs Grivas considered himself to be the political and military leader of the isurgency after the deportation of Makarios. In greek: "Πολιτικός και στρατιωτικός αγών, συνδεδασμένος πλέον, θα έπρεπε να αναλυφθεί υπ' εμού. Richter cites p 94 of Grivas memoirs, the greek edition
- ^ French 2015, p. 107-109.
- ^ French 2015, p. 109.
- ^ French & 2015 110.
- ^ French & 2015 111.
- ^ Ρίχτερ 2011, p. 489-491: Richter claims that the assassination took place in the hospital's ward, while Aristotelous was talking to the doctor. The doctor was injured, according to Richter
- ^ French 2015, p. 112.
- ^ a b c Ρίχτερ 2011, p. 493.
- ^ Ted Gup 2000, p. 90.
- ^ Ρίχτερ 2011, p. 496.
- ^ French 2015, p. 135.
- ^ French 2015, p. 136.
- ^ French 2015, p. 145.
- ^ French 2015, p. 146.
- ^ a b French 2015, p. 152.
- ^ Ρίχτερ 2011, p. 491-92 :According to Ricter, the Turkish-Cypriot policeman Ali Riza was killed outside of his house in Paphos.
- ^ French 2015, p. 157.
- ^ Ρίχτερ 2011, p. 651.
You haven't pointed to any copyvio problemYes, Khirurg has pointed to you that there is a copyvio problem. You, not bothering to fix it doesn't mean it doesn't exist. C)
Even if there was novel-like prose, it still wouldn't be a reason not to insert the text, as Wikipedia is not perfect, it is a work in process.Not so. If you don't understand what in your prose is novel-like, you need to get help to fix it, like your copyvios, not insist on inserting it in any article. D)
There have been 1000+ EOKA actions, just a couple are mentioned that have discussed by Reliable Sources.. Again, the absolute number of EOKA's actions does not matter. We have to exercise editorial discretion and that means that many of the examples you propose to add are not useful and clutter the article with unnecessary details that are not germane to the reader's understanding of the subject. You are trying to convert this article into a list or WP:NOTDIRECTORY of EOKA's actions. This is not good. Dr. K. 07:09, 31 October 2018 (UTC)
Please someone point out the copyvio problems so we can fix them.If you don't understand what a copyvio is please read WP:COPYVIO.
Just claiming that there are copyvio problems, it is not constructive.Again, don't blame the editors that point to your copyvio problems. The WP:BURDEN is on you to find them and eliminate them. If you don't know how to avoid copyvios you have no place proposing edits. Asking other editors to become your copyvio cleaning crew is ridiculous.
C)I do understand itIf, as you say, you do, then WP:SOFIXIT. D) Nope. Too much detail in the listing of EOKA's actions. Dr. K. 07:36, 31 October 2018 (UTC)
You didn't point to the dictionary definition of the word "burden" but linked to a WP policy.WP:Wikilawyering will not absolve you from your burden/onus/obligation to provide copyvio-free content to Wikipedia.
Clearly, you made a point that there is copyvio, but failed to provide evidence.You've got it backwards. I repeat: It is your burden/onus/obligation to provide copyvio-free content to Wikipedia. I pointed it out, it is your burden/obligation to remove it. If you don't know what you copied or plagiarised, you have no business editing articles.
This is obstructing the improvement of the article.Nope. I have improved the article from the get-go by not allowing you to insert copyvio text into the article. Now, I see that you went in a flurry of activity recently changing Ktrimi's proposal. First, you cannot change others' comments per WP:TPO. Second, care to explain why you did that? Third, it looks as if you were trying to hide copyvios. Perhaps, you can now thank me for guiding you to that development, instead of attacking my guidance. Dr. K. 16:55, 31 October 2018 (UTC)
You have the burden to explain where you spot copyvio if you are claiming there is a copyvio problem.Nope. I have no such burden. As I told you before, I will not become your copyvio cleaning crew. I point to you that you have plagiarised, and it is up to you to go to the source, compare it to your edit, and spot the WP:PLAGIARISM. If you are incapable of doing that, you have no place proposing edits on Wikipedia.
I am trying to find in the dark what you mean by talking about copyvio and probably fix it.This is a straight-out admission that you are incapable of understanding what copyvio is, since you cannot understand how you copy and paste from a source and you do not understand how to compare what a source writes with what you write. That's a simple task, it is not rocket science, but, nevertheless, it is a task that you cannot do. That's your problem, not mine. On top of that, you have a tendency to accuse other editors who try to help you and make you improve. That's WP:BATTLEGROUND behaviour. Dr. K. 19:30, 31 October 2018 (UTC)
I have checked through an app (The Copyright Violation Detector) the proposed text and found 0,0% violation. [13] Note: I did not used Use search engine, just Use links in page and Turnitin. I couldnt use the search engine as per "(Google Error: HTTP Error 403: Forbidden)" I had copy-pasted the text of Ktrimi996 in my sandbox and performed the search. Cinadon36 ( talk) 08:49, 31 October 2018 (UTC)
The following discussion is closed. Please do not modify it. Subsequent comments should be made on the appropriate discussion page. No further edits should be made to this discussion.
Should the text proposed by Ktrimi996 be inserted in the article? I had edited several sections of the article on 19th October. [14] The edit has been reverted and each sections is discussed seperately here, in the TalkPage, before inserted in the text. Common ground was found for the first two sectons. On this proposed section "Operation Forward to Victory (phase II, March 1956 to March 1957)", more comments by other users will help us improve the article. Cinadon36 ( talk) 07:01, 31 October 2018 (UTC)
Makarios was sent to exile in Seychelles on 9 March 1956. [a] Makarios' capability of controlling Grivas' violence was reduced. [2] [3] As French notes, in this period EOKA carried two separate campaigns, one aiming the British administration and the other one those Greek Cypriots who were not supportive of its cause. [2] The next phase of the campaign on Cyprus lasted from March 1956 to March 1957. [2] During it there were 104 date house bombings, 53 riots, 136 acts of sabotage, 403 ambushes, 35 attacks on police, 38 attacks on soldiers and 43 raids on police stations. The pattern of EOKA operations changed drastically. Most house bombings and riots were ordered by EOKA as a way of making the army commit more troops to the towns, thus relieving pressure on the mountain gangs. Youngsters had a prominent role in house bombings and riots. [4] Individual members of security forces and members of the public were targeted. [b] In total, there were 77 dead men in Security Forces, 70 Greek Cypriot- most of them victims of EOKA after they had been listed as traitors, 2 Turkish Cypriots and 5 British civilians. [11]
Governor Harding carried out a series of operations between April and July [c] that failed to eradicate EOKA but were still a severe blow to the organization. [13] Advanced intelligence and increased number of troops led to a decrease in EOKA's activity between November 1956 and 14 March 1957, when Grivas declared a unilateral ceasefire. [14] British forces also formed a counter-gang organization (named X-platoon) perhaps since September 1956. It has been estimated that in a six-month period the X-platoon killed, captured or obtained information leading to the identification and capture of thirty-five hard-core EOKA members, as well as others who were active supporters. [15]
Feeling the pressure of Harding's rigid grip on the mountains of Troodos, Grivas commenced a more delicate strategy of ordering town groups to attack Turkish Cypriot members of the police forced hoping that doing so was bound to provoke intercommunal violence, so the government would be forced to retract troops from the mountains. [16] Insurgents attacked a group of Turkish Cypriot policemen killing one of them. This incident sparked bloody inter-communal riots in Nicosia the next day, and a series of strikes as Greek Cypriot workers protested at Turkish violence in Nicosia. [16] [17]
By March 1957 neither EOKA nor the security forces were able to claim victory. Although Grivas' best men and his arms smuggling network were eliminated, the security forces were far from declaring victory. [18] Grivas declared truce on 14 March 1957. [19]
- notes
- ^ The deportation of Makarios drew criticism in Britain, stunned the Cypriots and caused hostility in Greece. [1]
- ^ In September 1956, an army doctor was killed in his car. [5] Greek Cypriot Assistant Superintendent Kyriacos Aristotelous was assassinated on 15 April 1956 while leaving the maternity clinic in Nicosia after visiting his wife and four-day-old son. [6] [7] Similar acts included the killing of the son of a soldier in a beach near Dekelia base. [8] A Maltese shop owner (fiance of a Greek Cypriot woman) was killed by shooting in the back. [8] The photo of his fiance looking at his dead body went viral at the time. Another couple, a British customs officer and his wife, was murdered while being in a picnic. [8] On 16 June 1956, the bombing of a restaurant by EOKA led to the death of William P. Boteler, a CIA officer working under diplomatic cover. Grivas immediately denied a deliberate attempt to target American citizens. [9] [10]
- ^ These operations were a) Operation ‘Kennett’b) Operation ‘Pepperpot’, c) Operation ‘Lucky Alphonse’ and d)Operation ‘Spread Eagle’. 21 soldiers died at a forest fire during Lucky Alphonse [12]
References
- ^ Holland, p. 120 & 124.
- ^ a b c French 2015, p. 106.
- ^ Ρίχτερ 2011, p. 486:Richer also mentions that in his memoirs Grivas considered himself to be the political and military leader of the isurgency after the deportation of Makarios. In greek: "Πολιτικός και στρατιωτικός αγών, συνδεδασμένος πλέον, θα έπρεπε να αναλυφθεί υπ' εμού. Richter cites p 94 of Grivas memoirs, the greek edition
- ^ French 2015, p. 107-109.
- ^ French 2015, p. 110.
- ^ French 2015, p. 111.
- ^ Ρίχτερ 2011, p. 489-491: Richter claims that the assassination took place in the hospital's ward, while Aristotelous was talking to the doctor. The doctor was injured, according to Richter
- ^ a b c Ρίχτερ 2011, p. 493.
- ^ Ted Gup 2000, p. 90.
- ^ Ρίχτερ 2011, p. 496.
- ^ French 2015, p. 112.
- ^ French 2015, p. 135.
- ^ French 2015, p. 136.
- ^ French 2015, p. 145.
- ^ French 2015, p. 146"The security forces also ran a counter-gang organization. Captain Alistair Duncan, a Territorial Army SAS officer, who was doing intelligence work on the island, claimed that the gang was his brainchild.236 Its commander was Captain Lionel Savery, who had previously served as a Military Intelligence Officer in Malaya, where he had handled captured or surrendered terrorists who had agreed to cooperate with Special Branch. He was posted to Cyprus in 1956 and worked initially as a district intelligence officer in the Troodos mountains. The members of the gang were terrorists who had been turned. The date of its formation is unclear, but it was probably established in about September 1956"
- ^ a b French 2015, p. 152.
- ^ Ρίχτερ 2011, p. 491-92 :According to Ricter, the Turkish-Cypriot policeman Ali Riza was killed outside of his house in Paphos.
- ^ French 2015, p. 157.
- ^ Ρίχτερ 2011, p. 651.
Two major changes in this version
Thank you and awaiting your comments. Cinadon36 ( talk) 18:32, 31 October 2018 (UTC)
Makarios was sent to exile in Seychelles on 9 March 1956, [a] that gave Grivas more free space to act more violently. [2] [3] As French notes, in this period EOKA carried two separate campaigns, one aiming the British administration and the other one those Greek Cypriots who were not supportive of its cause. [4]In order to distract security forces from the struggle in Troodos, EOKA intensified house bombing and riots in the urban areas. Youngsters had a prominent role in accomplishing those tasks. [5] Personnel of security forces as well as members of the public were targets. [b] Later, during January 1957, after the pressure by Harding's forces at the mountains of Troodos was increased, Grivas commenced a more delicate strategy of ordering town groups to attack Turkish Cypriot members of the police forced hoping that doing so was bound to provoke intercommunal violence, so the government would be forced to retract troops from the mountains. [12] Guerrillas assaulted a group of Turkish Cypriot policemen in Paphos killing one of them. This incident sparked bloody inter-communal protests in Nicosia the next day. [12] [13]In total there were 104 date house bombings, 53 riots, 136 acts of sabotage, 403 ambushes, 35 attacks on police, 38 attacks on soldiers and 43 raids on police stations. [14]As for the death toll there were 77 dead men in Security Forces, 70 Greek Cypriot-(most of them alleged as traitors) 2 Turkish Cypriots and 5 British civilians. [15]
Governor Harding carried out a series of operations between April and July [c] that failed to eradicate EOKA but were still a severe blow to the organization. [17] Harding also utilized a counter-terrorist organization (named X-platoon) using as personnel men that had deserted the insurgency, perhaps since September 1956. It has been estimated that in a six-month period the X-platoon killed, captured dozens of EOKA members or supporters. [18] By March 1957 the two opponents, EOKA and the British forces were in a stalemate. [19] Grivas declared truce on 14 March 1957. [20]
- notes and refs
- ^ The deportation of Makarios had adverse effects on public opinion in Greece, Cyprus and the United Kingdom. [1]
- ^ Security personnel were assassined in their leisure time. [6] [7] [8] Citizens such as a Maltese shop owner, the son of a soldier were assassinated, and a couple of citizens having picnic- these assassinations impact on the public opinion. [9] [9] [9] On 16 June 1956, the bombing of a restaurant by EOKA led to the death of William P. Boteler, a CIA officer working under diplomatic cover. Grivas immediately denied a deliberate attempt to target American citizens. [10] [11]
- ^ These operations were a) Operation ‘Kennett’b) Operation ‘Pepperpot’, c) Operation ‘Lucky Alphonse’ and d)Operation ‘Spread Eagle’ [16]
References
- ^ Holland, p. 120 & 124.
- ^ French 2015, p. 106:That strategy had failed, and in the Seychelles he was in no position to control Grivas and keep violence within bounds. Grivas had resented the limitations that the Archbishop had placed on him, and by March 1956 he was determined to use the resentment felt by Greek Cypriots at the treatment of their Archbishop to ‘transform the whole island into a battlefield’.
- ^ Ρίχτερ 2011, p. 486:Richer also mentions that in his memoirs Grivas considered himself to be the political and military leader of the insurgency after the deportation of Makarios. In greek: "Πολιτικός και στρατιωτικός αγών, συνδεδασμένος πλέον, θα έπρεπε να αναλυφθεί υπ' εμού. Richter cites p 94 of Grivas memoirs, the greek edition
- ^ French 2015, p. 106 :=EOKA conducted two parallel terrorist campaigns. It waged a campaign of agitational terror which took the form of attacks against the security forces and symbols of government. This was intended to undermine the prestige of the British administration, to demonstrate that it was no longer capable of ruling the island, and to persuade the British government that the price of blocking Enosis was more than it could afford. It is this campaign, and the British response to it, which will be the focus of this chapter. But EOKA also waged a campaign of enforcement terror. This took the form of efforts to intimidate, and where intimidation failed to assassinate, those Greek Cypriots who were not willing to lend their support to its campaign for Enosis or who actively worked against it. The conduct of that campaign, and the British response to it, will be examined in the next chapter.
- ^ French 2015, p. 109"The pattern of EOKA operations also changed significantly. Most house bombings and riots occurred between March and June, and were ordered by EOKA as a way of forcing the army to commit more troops to the towns and so relieve pressure on the mountain gangs.9 Thereafter instances of both kinds of disturbances dwindled. Most house bombers and rioters had been school boys. The diminution in their activities may reflect the fact that a combination of the school holidays, the deportation of Greek teachers, and measures taken by school governors under pressure from the security forces, caused this cadre of activists to become almost inactive.10 Grivas may also have been influenced by indications that parents were increasingly reluctant to see their offspring forfeit their education for the sake of Enosis. In September 1956 EOKA issued an order that henceforth it would only deploy schoolboy rioters on special occasions"
- ^ French 2015, p. 110: Assassination attempts against individual soldiers and policemen also followed much the same pattern as before. Some victims were targets of opportunity. In September 1956, an army doctor, Captain Gordon Wilson was killed because Nicos Sampson received a letter:....
- ^ French 2015, p. 111Others were the victims of more carefully planned operations. Assistant Superintendent Kyriacos Aristotelous was assassinated on 15 April 1956 as he left a maternity clinic in Nicosia after visiting his wife and four-day-old son. As the most senior Greek Cypriot Special Branch officer on the island he was a prime target for EOKA.22 The highest profile deliberately planned attack occurred on 21 March when a Greek Cypriot servant working in Government House left a bomb under Harding’s bed, but it failed to explode
- ^ Ρίχτερ 2011, p. 489-491.
- ^ a b c Ρίχτερ 2011, p. 493.
- ^ Ted Gup 2000, p. 90.
- ^ Ρίχτερ 2011, p. 496.
- ^ a b French 2015, p. 152:districts were cordoned and 189 EOKA village group members were arrested.273 In the spring of 1956, when the mountain gangs had previously been under serious pressure, Grivas had helped them by ordering schoolchildren to riot in the main towns in the expectation that this would draw troops away from the mountains. But the security force’s hold on the towns was now sufficiently strong, and their control over the schools was sufficiently secure, to make that impossible. Consequently, Grivas embarked upon the far more dangerous strategy of ordering town groups to attack Turkish Cypriot members of the police force in the expectation that doing so was bound to provoke intercommunal violence, which the government could only contain by withdrawing troops from the mountains.274 On 19 January insurgents threw two pipe bombs at a group of Turkish Cypriot policemen guarding a power station in Nicosia, killing one of them and provoking inter-communal riots in the town the next day, and a series of strikes as Greek Cypriot workers protested at Turkish violence in Nicosia.275 Grivas tried to cover his tracks by cynically claiming that the resulting violence was the fault of the British, accusing them of seeking ‘to cause communal disturbances in Cyprus and thus to be able to declare before the court of public opinion that its presence in Cyprus is necessary for imposing normality and for preventing more serious incidents in future’. Cite error: The named reference "FOOTNOTEFrench2015152" was defined multiple times with different content (see the help page).
- ^ Ρίχτερ 2011, p. 491-92 :According to Ricter, the Turkish-Cypriot policeman Ali Riza was killed outside of his house in Paphos.
- ^ French, 2015 & ps:Figure 4.1, p. 108.
- ^ French 2015, p. 112:data from figure in page 112
- ^ French 2015, p. 135Between late April and mid-July the security forces carried out four major operations to do just this. Operation ‘Kennett’ began on 21 April in the Kyrenia range. It was followed by Operation ‘Pepperpot’, which began on 17 May and lasted for three weeks; Operation ‘Lucky Alphonse’, which lasted from 8 June to 24 June; and finally Operation ‘Spread Eagle’, which began on 2 July and ended on 21 July. (This phase of the campaign is largely remembered for the deaths of twenty-one soldiers on 17 June in a fire in the Paphos forest during the ill-named ‘Lucky Alphonse’.177 A military court of enquiry and a coroner’s inquest could not decide whether the fire was caused by mortar shells fired by the army, by someone throwing away a lighted match or cigarette, or by the terrorists who started the fire to create a diversion so they could make good their escape.178) ‘Kennett’ was mounted by approximately 1,500 troops who cordoned and searched a dozen villages in a 50 square mile area east of Kyrenia, and arrested 18 suspects.179 ‘Pepperpot’ destroyed two hard-core gangs, and most of a third, and netted seventeen prisoners and large quantities of weapons
- ^ French 2015, p. 136:Once he had reached safety in Limassol Grivas lost no time in issuing a propaganda leaflet dismissing British claims of success.188 What he did not mention was that his gangs had been so badly hit that he also ordered his area commanders to cease active operations and to reorganize their forces.189 EOKA had not been routed, but these sometimes derided large-scale operations meant that the mountain gangs were never again as effective as they had been in the first half of 1956. Henceforth EOKA’s main military force was its town groups, and they proved to be much more resistant to security force operations. In March and April the security forces did arrest thirty members of the Nicosia town groups, including the area commander.190 But by June two new and larger groups had been organized and EOKA was able to resume its activities in the capital.191 As late as September 1956 the CIC still could not produce reliable estimates of the numbers or locations of the town groups
- ^ French 2015, p. 146"The security forces also ran a counter-gang organization. Captain Alistair Duncan, a Territorial Army SAS officer, who was doing intelligence work on the island, claimed that the gang was his brainchild.236 Its commander was Captain Lionel Savery, who had previously served as a Military Intelligence Officer in Malaya, where he had handled captured or surrendered terrorists who had agreed to cooperate with Special Branch. He was posted to Cyprus in 1956 and worked initially as a district intelligence officer in the Troodos mountains. The members of the gang were terrorists who had been turned. The date of its formation is unclear, but it was probably established in about September 1956"
- ^ French 2015, p. 157:CONCLUSION By March 1957 neither EOKA nor the security forces had succeeded in attaining their complete objectives. In April 1956 Grivas had told a correspondent that ‘My aim is the destruction of the oppressors’ material might. And we will destroy it.’310 At the end of November 1956 Harding had told the COS that with enough resources he could defeat the hard-core terrorist gangs within six months.311 By April 1957 the CIC believed that only 80 of EOKA’s top 200 members were still at large.312 The best of Grivas’s mountain guerrillas had been killed or captured, and its courier network disrupted. The Limassol arms smuggling network had been destroyed, and many of the members of his town killer groups had been eliminated, including the man who was probably EOKA’s leading assassin, Nicos Sampson.313 Captured documents showed that EOKA was short of ammunition and explosives. 314 Grivas himself concluded that ‘we were shaken, but very far from crushed’, and the CIC agreed with him.315 ‘There are still competent leaders throughout the Island who must be accounted for if terrorism is to be brought to an end.’316 The security forces were on top. They had not eradicated EOKA, but they had contained its campaign of agitational terrorism. What remained to be seen now was whether the British could translate their military advantage into a political victory. This was especially problematic because, as the next chapter will demonstrate, the organization was still capable of conducting a vicious campaign of enforcement terrorism.
- ^ Ρίχτερ 2011, p. 651.
Your comments please. Cinadon36 ( talk) 04:59, 2 November 2018 (UTC)
We can discuss copyvio concers here. Cinadon36 ( talk) 04:59, 2 November 2018 (UTC)
General comments
Much of the commentary in the reference lines appears to be lengthy direct quotations taken directly from the source- and therefore should be enclosed in quotation marks. However, the simple addition of quote marks would not be enough to fix it. Direct quotations should be kept to an absolute minimum, and should only be used for definitions, statutes/laws or when you are trying to capture a unique voice, manner of speech or a distinctive phrase. The amount of direct quoting actually used in version 5 is arguably excessive, and could lead to concerns about plagiarism. If the article was run through any of the plagiarism checking programs, it would almost certainly result in a red flag.
The use of both notes and references and is not entirely problematic. However, the general guideline is that notes should be kept to an absolute minimum and they should never be used to develop the argument or as a substitute for the narrative. Any article should be capable of standing on its own, without forcing the reader to refer to extensive notes. Some people think that extensive use of notes is overly pretentious and it can be a real "turn off" for some readers.
Notes should be used with care. Notes are never used to present lengthy direct quotations from original works. Notes can be used to tease out complexities in an argument or apparent contradictions in the evidence, but they should not be essential to the reading of the piece. For example, a typical use of notes is to make a comment about inconsistencies in the sources or the nature of an ongoing scholarly debate. You might say, for example, that Bloggs (1992) claims that Peter Pan was born in 1882, while Smith (1999) has estimated a the date of birth as 1886. In general, comments made in notes should be written in your style or should be paraphrased, rather than in the form of lengthy direct quotations. (I realise that the use of quotes in reference lines is not all that uncommon in some Wikipedia articles, but it is generally considered to be poor form and is likely to attract the attention of plagiarism checkers such as the legendary Dianaa).
I would recommend that you think about what you really want to say in the article. And, always think about your reader. What will readers most want to know about this event? Why is this event important? What are the key facts? Who were the key players? What was the main sequence of events? Which details are essential to understanding what happened and why it happened? Which details are incidental to the main story line? Get all that very clear in your mind before you start writing. Only when you have a good idea of where you are going should you start to think about the best way to express the ideas. Finally, think about which sources are authoritative or reliable and provide the type of detail that is needed to support the story you think needs to be told. Take great care to summarise these sources in your own words, reserving direct quotations for particularly "pithy" phrases or for moments when one of the key players is allowed to speak in his or her own voice. Finally, you should double check all references to ensure that bibliographic details and page numbers are accurate.
Try to remember that you are not expected to write an exhaustive account of an event or issue- but just give enough information to give your readers a "flavour" for the topic. Interested readers can follow your references, wikilinks and any external links to find out more about specific facets of the issue, event or person. In general, you should focus on the accepted accounts and avoid giving too much attention to minority or extreme views. That type of forensic analysis of evidence and sources is for the scholars to hash out in academic journals. An Encyclopedia, on the other hand, outlines the most widely accepted version.
I would also strongly encourage you to read one of Wikipedia's articles on referencing and also to look for one of the many style guides available online just to familiarise yourself with the broader aims of referencing, the different methods of referencing that can be used and the finer points of referencing style. BronHiggs ( talk) 09:02, 3 November 2018 (UTC)
Dear @ BronHiggs: thanks for your extensive answer and dedicated some time in this subject. My thoughts:
As the discussion above has become pointless, and editors involved are showing a lack of experience in solving simple problems, I'd suggest opening a RfC. The part from Individual members of security forces were targets
to Grivas immediately denied a deliberate attempt to target American citizens
should be avoided, IMO.
Cinadon36, I think that you can seek
WP:RfC on the matter as you wish to add the content you have prepared to the article. Uninvolved editors could give balance to the situation and help the editors involved decide how the article should be improved.
Ktrimi991 (
talk) 21:24, 31 October 2018 (UTC)
I 'd like to withdraw all my above proposals. Seems that Dr.K. has some valid points. I will try and write it from scratch. My major concern is that the copyvio claim will once again pop up, but I have to assume Good Faith. I will do my best. It might take me a couple of days or max a week and I will come back. Sorry for the disruption. Dr.K., I feel I owe you an apology. You were a good guardian of WP.
Cinadon36 (
talk) 19:06, 2 November 2018 (UTC)
As I expected, and said so multiple times recently, Cinadon has introduced further large-scale copyvios in his earlier proposals. I have reverted his "Forward to Victory" addition and I am now in the process of investigating his earlier proposal and edits. Please all stay tuned. Thank you. Dr. K. 15:45, 3 November 2018 (UTC)
Just to make sure Dr.K., why did you deleted the two section? Because of copyvio? Cinadon36 ( talk) 17:06, 3 November 2018 (UTC)
Dr.K, you have reverted my edit and re-inserted unsourced material with the claim that can easily be found. I guess the Burden is on your shoulders to find that material? Thanks. ps you have cited an article but there is no preview. Is the book talking about George Grivas using that name? Thanks. Cinadon36 ( talk) 18:25, 3 November 2018 (UTC)
The current version states: "The military campaign officially began on 1 April 1955. On that date, EOKA launched simultaneous attacks on the British controlled Cyprus Broadcasting Station in Nicosia, undertaken by a team led by Markos Drakos, on the British Army's Wolseley barracks, and on targets in Famagusta, by a team led by Grigoris Afxentiou. EOKA's campaign initially targeted the British and those Greek Cypriots identified with them.[38]" Check out ref 38. Clearly does not support the text. Next paragraoh is unsourced (Certainly I do not question that the text is very close to truth, but the question is how do we proceed?) Cinadon36 ( talk) 18:25, 3 November 2018 (UTC)
If you wish Dr.K, you can check past version of the article and you will find out that I did not add those lines you have removed. [15]. Plus I 'd like to ask you to stop mentioning my name in the edit summary. Thank you. Cinadon36 ( talk) 19:28, 3 November 2018 (UTC)
Με την βοήθειαν τού Θεού, με πίστιν εις τον τίμιον αγώνα μας, με την συμπαράστασιν ολοκλήρου τού Ελληνισμού και με την βοήθειαν των Κυπρίων, αναλαμβάνομεν τον αγώνα διά την αποτίναξιν τού Αγγλικού ζυγού, με σύνθημα εκείνο το οποίον μάς κατέλιπαν οι πρόγονοί μας ως ιεράν παρακαταθήκην: “‘Η τάν ή επί τάς”.
The underlined part is missing. I do not know if other parts are ok, but I am not very sure that it is notable enough to place it in the article. Maybe the Wikipedia Library is more appropriate. But I am not certain. Cinadon36 ( talk) 20:10, 3 November 2018 (UTC)
The armed struggle started on April the 1st, 1955. A series of explosions hit army facilities and public utilities in all major towns of Cyprus. [1] [2] Most successful attacks were by the team of Markos Drakos in Nicosia. British forces (at that time troops and arms were transferred from Egypt to military bases in Dhekelia and Akrotiri) were not expecting any attacks. [2] At the end of April, the activity of EOKA paused, giving time to Grivas to organize the youth. [3] The next wave of attacks was initiated in June and was more forceful than the first one, as EOKA members were throwing self-made bombs in public places, British houses or police stations. [4] [5] This second wave of EOKA attacks lasted until the end of June, totaling 204 attacks since the beginning of the insurgency [6] [7]
In Turkey, the public opinion was uneased. Rumors were mounting that a slaughter of TCs by GC was about to happen. The rumors were groundless but nonetheless contributed to the Istanbul pogrom. [8]. At the same time, during the Trilatet Conference among Britain, Turkey and Greece held in London, Turkey kept a tough stance, arguing that Cyprus is a part of Anatolia. The Conference collapsed without reaching an agreement. [9] [10]
Initially, the British government underestimated EOKA struggle and Macmillan's thought was that EOKA wouldn't gain popular support. [11] By the end of September, as the crisis was escalating, the British Government decided to replace governor Armitage. [12]
References
- ^ French 2015, p. 71.
- ^ a b Ρίχτερ 2011, p. 250.
- ^ Ρίχτερ 2011, p. 254: ANE (Valiant Youth of EOKA), a pupil's group was created, ANE had a branch in every school.
- ^ Ρίχτερ 2011, p. 257-8.
- ^ French 2015, p. 72.
- ^ Ρίχτερ 2011, p. 259.
- ^ French 2015, p. 76.
- ^ Ρίχτερ 2011, p. 315-321.
- ^ Ρίχτερ 2011, p. 299 & 313.
- ^ Holland 1998, p. 73.
- ^ French 2015, p. 79.
- ^ French 2015, p. 82.
I propose the text for insertion. It is copyvio and clop free. Cinadon36 ( talk) 08:24, 4 November 2018 (UTC)
I have uploaded all page pictures of Richter 2011 in a dropbox folder (as per Dr.K. request [16]) Whoever wants to have a look, please email me. Plus if you 'd like a look at other ref pages, please let me know and I 'll upload them. Cinadon36 ( talk) 08:12, 5 November 2018 (UTC)
p. 95
The night of 29 March a series of bomb attacks occurred in various locations across the island, 18 altogether. The most successful of them was destroying the Cyprus Broadcasting Station's transmitter.
[1] The attacks were accompanied by a revolutionary proclamation.
[1] The proclamation was signed by "The leader, Digenes". Grivas decided to keep his involvement secret at the moment and used the name of a Byzantine general who had defended Cyprus in the medieval era.
[1]
There was some disagreement between Grivas and Makarios about the way to overthrow the collonial reimge. Grivas rejected Makarios attempt, to limit the campaign to acts of sabotage, avoiding loss of life. However he shared Makarios view that victory would be won by diplomatic means. [2]
Grivas goal was to subject the British to continued relentless harassment, making them clear that their continued occupation carried a price, while keeping enosis on the international diplomatic agenda. [3] The British response to the EOKA campaign was crucial in this regard: repression would on the one hand alienate the Greek Cypriot population from British rule, and on the other hand provide Makarios and the Greek government with a stick to beat the British with before the United Nations. EOKA would ensure that there was a Cyprus problem and demonstrate to the world that the British could not resolve it. [3]
Grivas launched his second offensive on the night of June 19 with coordinated bomb and grenade attacks against police stations, military installations and the homes of army officers and senior officials. [3] One bomb planted inside Famagusta Police headquarters by an EOKA policeman demolished the building. A few days later an arms raid on Amiandos police station left a police sergeant dead and the armory stripped of weapons. [3] Those attacks were usually followed by sporadic incidents: shootings and bombings and increasing public disorder. There were attacks on the police, with two Special Branch members being assassinated in separate incidents in August. There were street clashes between demonstrators and police and troops which were easily precipitated by the simple expedient of raising the Greek flag which the British then felt obliged to remove by force if necessary. [3] The final straw, however, was the escape from Kyrenia castle prison of 16 EOKA members including a number of key figures, such as Markos Drakos and Grigoris Afxentiou. [3] As Nancy Crawshaw puts it, 'public confidence in the administration was shattered'. The situation seemed to be deteriorating out of control. The British attempted to safeguard their position in Cyprus by diplomatic maneuvering and a counterinsurgency offensive. The first involved playing the Greek and Turkish governments off against each other. Eden saw the Turkish government as 'the key protecting British interests'
p. 93: Grivas carried out a first reconnaissance in Cyprus as early as July 1951. p. 94 Makarios was certainly sceptical, telling Grivas on one occasion that he would not find 50 men to follow him. Interestingly enough the British shared the same view. Grivas finally arrived on the island in early November 1954 and set about establishing his underground organisation. He recruited from the Cyprus Farmers' Union (PEK) in the villages and from the two main youth movement, the Church-controlled Christian Youth Movement (OHEN) and the nationalist Pancyprian Youth Movement (PEON) in the towns. At its peak the organisation was to muster seven mountain groups, 47 town groups and 75 villages groups, with a total stranth of just over 1,000 men. The backbone of EOKA were the mountain groups, a conventional guerilla force living in hidden camps in the forests, and the town groups, often continuing their civilian job or schooling...Supporting this armed wing was the much broader National Front of Cyprus (EMAK), which organised the guerilla movement's sympathisers. EMAK provided EOKA with intelligence, supplies, weapons, medicins, recruits and safe houses, confronted the British on the streets with demonstrations and riots and conducted the propaganda offensive.Grivas was prticurlarly concerned with mobilising the young, schoolchidren and juveniles, behind the struggle and was later to identify this as one of the distinctive features of EOKA. He intented to 'to the youth of Cyprus into the sedbed of EOKA'.— Preceding unsigned comment added by Alexikoua ( talk • contribs)
Thanks @ Alexikoua: for your feedback. Here are my comments:
The armed struggle started on the night of March 29-April, 1955. A total of 18 bomb attacks occurred in various locations across the island. Most notable incidents were those of Nicosia by the group of Markos Drakos as well as the demolition of the Cyprus Broadcasting Station's transmitter. [1] [4] [5] The attacks were accompanied by a revolutionary proclamation signed by "The leader, Digenes". Grivas decided to keep his involvement secret at the moment and used the name of a Byzantine general who had defended Cyprus in the medieval era. [1] On the other hand the British not expecting this turn of events reinforced their local military bases (Dhekelia and Akrotiri) by transferring troops from Egypt. [5]
At the end of April EOKA attacks temporarily paused, giving time to Grivas to organize the youth. [6] A second offensive was launched on June 19 with coordinated bomb and grenade attacks against police stations, military installations and the homes of army officers and senior officials. [3] [7] [8] One of those bombings demolished the building of the Famagusta Police headquarters. [3] Those attacks were usually followed by sporadic incidents: shootings, bombings and increased public disorder. [3] This second wave of EOKA attacks lasted until the end of June, totaling 204 attacks since the beginning of the insurgency. [9] [10]
In August two Special Branch members were assassinated in separate incidents. The raising of the Greek flag during demonstrations led usually to clashes with the colonial authorities. The later being obliged to remove it by force if necessary. [3] Another major success for the organization was the escape from Kyrenia castle prison of 16 EOKA members including a number of key figures, such as Markos Drakos and Grigoris Afxentiou. [3]
— Preceding unsigned comment added by [[User:{{{1}}}|{{{1}}}]] ([[User talk:{{{1}}}#top|talk]] • [[Special:Contributions/{{{1}}}|contribs]])
References
Some of the below parts from Newsinger, might be quite interesting for the next phase of the Cypriot struggle:
p. 97: The British attempted to safeguard their position in Cyprus by diplomatic manoeuvring and a counterinsurgency offensive. The first involved playing the Greek and Turkish governments off against each other. Eden saw the Turkish government as 'the key protecting British interests'
p. 99 On December 13, Harding who saw Cyprus very much as a pawn in the Cold War, banned AKEL and detained 128 of its leading members, effectively crippling the only political force in Cyprus which opposed EOKA. Repressive legislation and troop reinforcements were not the answer however. The Greek Cypriot population was hostile and the Special Branch was neutered. The Britis response was large-scale cordon and search operations that rarely resulted in arrests or the discovery of arms caches, but which invariably alienated those whous houses were searched or who were roughed up and dragged off to be screened. Collective punishements, far from undermining support for EOKA, only succeeded in making the Greek Cypriots more hostile to British rule....
p. 100 The inevitable result was to increase sympathy for EOKA and to assist its recruitment efforts. The problem was that the Greek Cypriot community was overwhelmingly in favour of Enosis. Fra from moderates emerging with whom Britain could do a deal. It was this popular support, enabling Grivas and his small band of guerrillas to take on the growing security apparatus that Harding was marshalling against him, that sustained the armed struggle. It became clear that EOKA did have an effective intelligence apparatus and that the guerrillas were often forewarned of security intentions... Schoolchildren, domestic servants, civilian personell on the military bases, the police, all were enlisted by Grivas in the intelligence war. While the security forces were operating in the dark, their every move was observed.
p. 101: The British were never to succeed completely eliminating EOKA agents from the police force. The virtual collapse of the police in the face of EOKA did bring some important changes, however. Many Greek Cypriot policemen resigned and those that remained were increasingly distrusted, so new recruits were ought in Britain and among the Turkish Cypriot community. The dramatical increased recruitment of Turkish Cypriots. By the start of 1956 the had come to dominate the police force numbering 4,000 compared to less than 1,000 Greek Cypriots. The Turkish Cypriots were very much in the front line against EOKA. Inevitably the use of Turkish Cypriot police against the Greek Cypriot community exacerbated relations between the two communities.
Alexikoua ( talk) 21:34, 18 November 2018 (UTC)
I wonder what makes Thrasivoulou neutral in his description about anti-communism in Cyprus. As I see he is personally involved in Left wing politics [www.biblionet.gr/author/115186/Μάριος_Θρασυβούλου]. This raises serious concerns. Alexikoua ( talk) 21:43, 7 November 2018 (UTC)
Just wanted to remind everyone that the references should be formatted such that the author names are in the Latin alphabet. I'm personally fine with understanding the Greek alphabet and I presume so are most editors working on this article, but most of our readers won't be. -- GGT ( talk) 02:49, 9 November 2018 (UTC)
Here is my proposal:
John Harding was the newly appointed governor of Cyprus. [1] Soon after his arrival on the 3rd of October, Harding sought to meet Archbishop Makarios, and both agreed on commencing what is now known as Harding-Makarios negotiations. [2] [3] Increased security and stepping up military might was of Hardings priorities. [4] On 26th November, Harding declared stated of Emergency- that meant among other, implementation of the death penalty for non-fatality crimes. [5]
Operation Forward to Victory was declared on 18th of November and was accompanied by several bomb attacks. [6] In urban areas, schoolchildren had a prominent role in the EOKA struggle. The Battle of Flags, escalated during the Autumn of 1955 and peaked in January and February of 1956- that kept British forces busy away from chasing down EOKA. [7] [8] But schoolboys were not only active in riots and stone-throwing the police, but some of them were also trained to throw bombs and carry assassinations. [9] Bombs by guerillas and youngsters were thrown at British personnel houses, police stations and army camps. [10] [11] In some cases, EOKA members managed to steal some weaponry. [12]
Up in the mountains, the struggle continued as the guerillas constructed several hideout in the Troodos mountains. But because of harsh winter and some military pressure by British forces, the activity of EOKA eased during winter. [13]
References
- ^ Holland 1998, p. 83-84.
- ^ Holland 1998, p. 84-85.
- ^ Richter 2011, p. 370.
- ^ Ρίχτερ 2011, p. 370-72.
- ^ Richter 2011, p. 373.
- ^ Ρίχτερ 2011, p. 377: According to Richter, there were 50 bomb attacks that day.
- ^ French 2015, p. 86.
- ^ Richter 2011, p. 376.
- ^ Richter 2011, p. 383.
- ^ Richter 2011, p. 481-82.
- ^ French 2005, p. 86-88.
- ^ French 2005, p. 87.
- ^ French 2005, p. 88-89.
Comments? Thanks in advance. Cinadon36 ( talk) 10:08, 17 November 2018 (UTC)
The new British governor John Harding arrived at October 3. [1] Harding sought to meet Archbishop Makarios, and both agreed on commencing what became known as Harding-Makarios negotiations. [2] [3] Increased security and stepping up military might was of Hardings priorities. [4] On November 26, Harding declared stated of Emergency- that meant among other, implementation of the death penalty for non-fatality crimes. [5] Repressive legislation and troop reinforcements were not the answer however. The Greek Cypriot population was hostile and the Special Branch was neutered. [6] The British response was large-scale cordon and search operations which rarely resulted in arrests or the discovery of arms caches, but which invariably alienated those whose houses were searched or who were roughed up and dragged off to be screened. Collective punishments, far from undermining support for EOKA, only succeeded in making the Greek Cypriots more hostile to British rule. [6] Moreover, Harding viewed Cyprus very much as a pawn in the Cold War global situation: on December 13 he banned AKEL and detained 128 of its leading members, effectively crippling the only political party in Cyprus that opposed EOKA. [6]
The inevitable result was to increase sympathy for EOKA and to assist its recruitment efforts. The problem was that the Greek Cypriot community was overwhelmingly in favour of Enosis. Far from moderates emerging with whom Britain could do a deal. [7] It was this popular support, enabling Grivas and his small band of guerrillas to take on the growing security apparatus that Harding was marshalling against him, that sustained the armed struggle. [7] It became clear that EOKA did have an effective intelligence apparatus and that the guerrillas were often forewarned of security intentions. Schoolchildren, domestic servants, civilian personnel on the military bases, the police, all were enlisted by Grivas in the intelligence war while the security forces were operating in the dark. [7]
Operation "Forward to Victory" (Greek name) was launched on November 18 and was accompanied by several bomb attacks. [8] In the urban areas schoolchildren had a prominent role in the EOKA struggle. The Battle of Flags, escalated during the Autumn of 1955 and peaked in January and February of 1956- that kept British forces busy away from chasing down EOKA. [9] [10] Schoolboys were not only participating in riots and stone-throwing against the police, but some of them were also trained to throw bombs and carry assassinations. [11] Bombs by guerrillas and youngsters were thrown at British personnel houses, police stations and army camps. [12] [13] In some cases, EOKA members managed to steal some weaponry. [14] The British were never to succeed completely eliminating EOKA agents from the police force. [15]
Up in the mountains, the struggle continued as the guerrillas expanded their network in the Troodos mountains. However, due to harsh winter conditions in addition to certain British military pressure, the activity of EOKA temporarily eased. [16] Alexikoua ( talk) 21:13, 26 November 2018 (UTC)
References
Good job Alexikoua! Cinadon36 ( talk) 05:13, 27 November 2018 (UTC)
Thanks. I believe that the following should be part of the above section:
{{quote|The situation seemed to be deteriorating out of control and the British authorities attempted to safeguard their position in Cyprus by diplomatic maneuvering and a counterinsurgency offensive. The first involved playing the Greek and Turkish governments off against each other. Eden saw Turkey as "the key protecting British interests" in Cyprus. [1] By the end of September, as the crisis was escalating, the British Government decided to replace governor Armitage. [2]
In Turkey, the public opinion was uneased. Rumors were spreading in Turkish media that a slaughter of the Turkish Cypriot community was likely to occur. Though they were unfounded they led to nationalist reactions in the country and the government-sponsored anti-Greek Istanbul pogrom of September 1955. [3]. At the same time, during the Trilatet Conference among Britain, Turkey and Greece held in London, an agreement couldn't being reached while Turkey adopted a stubborn position. [4] [5]
In this fashion British policy also aimed at the dramatical increased recruitment of Turkish Cypriots. By the start of 1956 they had come to dominate the police force numbering 4,000 compared to less than 1,000 Greek Cypriots. The Turkish Cypriots were very much in the front line against EOKA. Inevitably the use of Turkish Cypriot policemen against the Greek Cypriot community exacerbated relations between the two communities. [6] Alexikoua ( talk) 19:57, 21 November 2018 (UTC)
References
Seems fine to me Cinadon36 ( talk) 10:44, 22 November 2018 (UTC)
Here is my new proposal. Anyone who needs to check sources, just send me an email and I will respond with a dropbox link.
The next phase of the struggle commenced in March 1956 and lasted a year, when a unilateral cease fire was declared by EOKA. [1] After the failure of Makarios-Harding negotiations on early March 1956, the British government in a sudden move, exiled Makarios to Seycheles. [2] That left Grivas as the sole leader of the insurgency and turned EOKA more violent. [3] While Harding's forces were making ground up in the mountains, [4] guerrillas and youngsters were trying to assassinate members of the security forces at their leisure time or alleged traitors. [5]
EOKA focused its actions to urban areas during this phase. House bombings and riots, mostly by schoolboys, forced army to keep forces away from the mountains where EOKA's hard core fighters where hiding. Apart from individual citizens or soldiers in their leisure time, army and police facilities where attacked totaling 104 house bombings, 53 riots, 136 acts of Sabotage, 403 ambushes, 35 attacks on police, 38 attacks on soldiers and 43 raids on police stations. [a] [11] But as the pressure of Harding mounted, Grivas undertook a controversial strategy, targeting Turkish Cypriot policemen, in order to initiate intercommunal tensions nailing British forces in the towns. [12] Indeed, guerrillas throw two bombs at a group of Turkish Cypriot policemen killing one of them, effectively sparking inter-communal riots in Nicosia the next day, and a series of strikes [12] [13]
Governor Harding escalated his fight against EOKA. He organised a series of operation from April until July [b] that delivered a severe blow to EOKA as it was never again as effective as the first half of 1956 but failed to eradicate EOKA nonetheless. [15] Harding also upgrated intelligence and created a notorious counter-gang organization, named X-platoon. [16]
Having suffered significant loses both in personnel and in infrastructure, Grivas declared truce on the 14th of March 1957. [17] Harding was far from victory though as he hadn't eliminate EOKA. As David French puts it, he had only "contained its campaign of agitational terrorism.". [18]
- notes
- ^ Some of the attacks of the attacks against civilians drew world attention and were used for propaganda purposes by the British authorities. Most notable attacks have been the killing of an army doctor while driving home, [6] the execution of Greek Cypriot Assistant Superintendent Kyriacos Aristotelous, [7] [8] the killing of the son of a soldier in a beach near Dekelia base [9] a Maltese shop owner (fiance of a Greek Cypriot woman) was killed by shooting in the back. -the phot of the grieving wife reached mainstream media in UK- another couple, a British customs officer and his wife, was murdered while picnicked. [9]. On 16 June 1956, the bombing of a restaurant by EOKA led to the death of William P. Boteler, a CIA officer working under diplomatic cover. Grivas immediately issued a statement denying a deliberate attempt to target American citizens. [10]
- ^ These operations have been a) Operation ‘Kennett’b) Operation ‘Pepperpot’, c) Operation ‘Lucky Alphonse’ and d)Operation ‘Spread Eagle’. 21 soldiers died at a forest fire during Lucky Alphonse [14]
- refs
References
- ^ French 2015, p. 106.
- ^ Richter 2011, p. 416-422.
- ^ Ρίχτερ 2011, p. 486.
- ^ Ρίχτερ 2011, p. 501-512: In the subchapter "The British counter-attack"
- ^ Richter 2011, p. 496.
- ^ French 2015, p. 110.
- ^ French 2015, p. 111.
- ^ Ρίχτερ 2011, p. 489-491:Richter claims that the assassination took place in the hospital's ward, while Aristotelous was talking to the doctor. The doctor was injured, according to Richter
- ^ a b Ρίχτερ 2011, p. 493.
- ^ Ρίχτερ 2011, p. 496.
- ^ French 2015, p. 109.
- ^ a b French 2015, p. 152.
- ^ Ρίχτερ 2011, p. 491-92
- ^ French 2015, p. 135.
- ^ French 2015, p. 136.
- ^ French 2015, p. 145-46.
- ^ Ρίχτερ 2011, p. 651.
- ^ French 2015, p. 157.
Anticipating the feedback. Cinadon36 ( talk) 16:11, 29 November 2018 (UTC)
After the failure of Makarios-Harding negotiations the British government in a sudden move, exiled Makarios to Seycheles on March 9, 1956. [1] This triggered a week long general strike followed by a dramatic increase in EOKA activity: 246 attacks until March 31 including an unsuccessful attempt to assassinate Harding. The offensive continued into April and May and the British casualties averaged two killed every week. [2] While Harding's forces were making ground up in the mountains, [3] guerrillas and youngsters were trying to assassinate members of the security forces at their leisure time or alleged traitors. [4]
EOKA focused its activity to urban areas during this period. House bombings and riots, mostly by schoolboys, forced army to keep forces away from the mountains where EOKA's main fighters where hiding. Apart from individual citizens or soldiers in their leisure time, army and police facilities where attacked totaling 104 house bombings, 53 riots, 136 acts of Sabotage, 403 ambushes, 35 attacks on police, 38 attacks on soldiers and 43 raids on police stations. [a] [10] But as the pressure of Harding mounted, Grivas began targeting Turkish Cypriot policemen effectively sparking inter-communal riots and a series of strikes [11] [12]
Harding escalated his fight against EOKA organizing a series of operations in April-July [b] Harding also upgrated his intelligence network including the creation of the notorious X-platoon. [14] On May 10 the first two EOKA prisoners were hanged and Grivas responded with the execution of two British soldiers. [2] The British were concerned to counter EOKA's mountain units. Large scale operations were launched however Grivas managed to escape. [15] He decided to move to Limassol where he established his new headquarters. Although Grivas escaped, the Troodos operations had some success for the British: 20 guerrillas and 50 weapons were captured. However, they ended up with a disaster: at least 7 British soldiers were killed and additionally 21 were burnt to dead in accident. The last incident overshadowed the first real success against the EOKA guerrilla forces. [15]
On August 9 the British authorities hanged three more EOKA prisoners, however Grivas did not retaliate this time. Widespread strikes held in protest. [16] On November 1956 due to the Suez Crisis large numbers of British troops were tranfered off Cyprus allowing Grivas to launch a new offensive. EOKA launched a wave of attacks in what would became for the British "Black November" with a total of 416 attacks, 39 killed 21 of them British. After the Suez debacle the British military strength was increased to 20,000 and Harding managed to direct a new offensive. [16] However, Harding failed to win over the Greek Cypriot population especially when his security forces resorted to the use of torture. [16]
Although EOKA received a severe blow in the mountains its armed activity continued in the urban areas while the British forces were apparently impotent. [17] [15] [18] Grivas declared truce on the 14th of March 1957 which would last nearly one year. [18]
- notes
- ^ Some of the attacks of the attacks against civilians drew world attention and were used for propaganda purposes by the British authorities. Most notable attacks have been the killing of an army doctor while driving home, [5] the execution of Greek Cypriot Assistant Superintendent Kyriacos Aristotelous, [6] [7] the killing of the son of a soldier in a beach near Dekelia base [8] a Maltese shop owner (fiance of a Greek Cypriot woman) was killed by shooting in the back. -the phot of the grieving wife reached mainstream media in UK- another couple, a British customs officer and his wife, was murdered while picnicked. [8]. On 16 June 1956, the bombing of a restaurant by EOKA led to the death of William P. Boteler, a CIA officer working under diplomatic cover. Grivas immediately issued a statement denying a deliberate attempt to target American citizens. [9]
- ^ These operations have been a) Operation ‘Kennett’b) Operation ‘Pepperpot’, c) Operation ‘Lucky Alphonse’ and d)Operation ‘Spread Eagle’. 21 soldiers died at a forest fire during Lucky Alphonse [13]
References
- ^ Richter 2011, p. 416-422.
- ^ a b Newsinger 2016, p. 102.
- ^ Ρίχτερ 2011, p. 501-512: In the subchapter "The British counter-attack"
- ^ Richter 2011, p. 496.
- ^ French 2015, p. 110.
- ^ French 2015, p. 111.
- ^ Ρίχτερ 2011, p. 489-491:Richter claims that the assassination took place in the hospital's ward, while Aristotelous was talking to the doctor. The doctor was injured, according to Richter
- ^ a b Ρίχτερ 2011, p. 493.
- ^ Ρίχτερ 2011, p. 496.
- ^ French 2015, p. 109.
- ^ French 2015, p. 152.
- ^ Ρίχτερ 2011, p. 491-92
- ^ French 2015, p. 135.
- ^ French 2015, p. 145-46.
- ^ a b c Newsinger 2016, p. 103.
- ^ a b c Newsinger 2016, p. 104.
- ^ French 2015, p. 136.
- ^ a b Ρίχτερ 2011, p. 651.
Good job @
Alexikoua:. I agree on adding it but here is my main concern: Newsinger does not claim that Harding failed to win over the Greek Cypriot population especially when his security forces resorted to the use of torture.
at least in page 104, the cited page. Maybe it is 100-101? Plus, French and Richter claim that British Forces did not systematically use torture. I think it is too strong claim for us to do. But besides that, I am ok!
Cinadon36 (
talk) 08:46, 6 December 2018 (UTC)
I added the text but removed the sentence, as torture will be discussed in more details later on. Hope it 's ok Cinadon36 ( talk) 10:10, 6 December 2018 (UTC)
Harding continued to pressure EOKA despite the unilateral truce. [1] Security measures imposed to villagers, i.e. the case of Milikouri, bounced back at the British Forces as EOKA made gains in the field of propaganda. [2] [3] [4] Nevertheless, the truce was kept by EOKA until the 28th of October 1957 (Oxi day, a Greek national fest) when Harold Macmillan (then minister of foreign affairs) declined a Makarios proposal for a settlement. [5]
Meanwhile, as PEKA [a] was continuing the struggle for Enosis with political means (from calling for a general strike to street graffiti), EOKA was trying to recruit new members. Priests and schoolteachers, under strict secrecy, were the scouting for young men aged 14-24, and were mostly successful. [6] Grivas reorganized EOKA's structure. [7] By Autumn, Grivas was increasing his autonomy from Greece and Makarios and was planning to attack the Left and the Turkish Cypriot community. The Greek government and Makarios had little capability of preventing Grivas from doing so. [8]
==== Detention Camps and claims of torture ====
Detention of Persons Law, passed in 15th June 1955, gave the authority to Government to enclose a suspect in a detention camp without a trial. The first Detention camp was Kyrenia Castle and afterward, two more detention camps opened, one in Kokkinotrimithia and another one in Pyla village. [9] PEKA linked the Detention camps to the Nazi ones and described the British government as authoritarian. Makarios and Greek Government voiced the same accusations later on. [10] [11] The living conditions within the camps were decent with the exception of poor building conditions which couldn't protect the inmates from harsh weather. [11] International Committee of the Red Cross visited the camps twice and found no problems. [12]Torture allegations have been an issue since 1956 [13]. Harding declined the torture allegations, describing it as propaganda by EOKA members, who were intimidating the Greek population. [14] Makarios held a press conference in Athens, where he doubled down the allegations, but failed to provide hard evidence and fall into some fallacies. [15] Torture allegations had an impact in the internal politics of the British, as the allegations were discussed at the parliament. [16]
The debate spans our days on whether the torture claims were true. According to Heinz Richter, while police or army was generally lawful, the British turned a blind eye to interrogators many of whom were deliberately undereducated Turkish Cypriot who had hostile feeling towards Enosis. Another aspect that Richter highlights is that many claims of torture were made as the alleged victims were afraid for their lives as it was punished by death to speak to the British. [17] Prof David French on the other hand views that most - but not all- claims of torture were just a propaganda tool of EOKA. [18]
==== The campaign against traitors ====
Initially, EOKA was intimidating the population not to co-operate with the security forces, but steadily the definition of traitor broadened and by late 1956, as the security forces were succeeding against EOKA, the definition of "traitor" was widened to include anyone who did not give active aid to the insurgency. [19] EOKA members who had spoken to the security forces under interrogation were also considered as traitors and Grivas was in favor of the death penalty in such case. The decision for an execution was held by Grivas but even though he was very strict, incidences happened where EOKA guerrillas killed others by their own initiative and not solely based on accusations of treason. The killings took place in public spaces. [20] [21]The attacks against traitors peaked during three separate time periods: a)summer and autumn of 1956, b)August 1957, and c) April to October 1958. [22] The last two waves of attacks were aiming the left, as the communist party ( AKEL) wanted a political role in the Greek Cypriot community, refusing EOKA's claim that Makarios spoke on behalf of all Greek Cypriots. As AKEL was growing in numbers, demanded a more active role in representing the Greek Cypriot community, practically denying the role of Archbishop as the legitimate voice of Greek Cypriots. Grivas was unease with the advances of AKEL within the Cypriot community. British delicately fueled the hostility among the two fractions and during August, the first attacks against the left took place in mid-August of 1957. [23]The last wave of intra-Greek violence against the Left occurred in April to October of 1958, when a peace deal was imminent. [24] [25] AKEL held massive demonstrations and sought the help of Makarios which he granted. [24] [25]
- ^ PEKA was the political branch of EOKA
References
- ^ Ρίχτερ 2011, p. 651.
- ^ Ρίχτερ 2011, p. 651-53.
- ^ French 2015, p. 169.
- ^ Holland 1998, p. 198.
- ^ Ρίχτερ 2011, p. 706.
- ^ Ρίχτερ 2011, p. 706-07.
- ^ French 2015, p. 246.
- ^ Ρίχτερ 2011, p. 725.
- ^ Ρίχτερ 2011, p. 653-54.
- ^ French 2015, p. 196.
- ^ a b Ρίχτερ 2011, p. 654.
- ^ French 2015, p. 220.
- ^ Ρίχτερ 2011, p. 657-58.
- ^ Ρίχτερ 2011, p. 659.
- ^ Ρίχτερ 2011, p. 659-61.
- ^ Ρίχτερ 2011, p. 661-665.
- ^ Ρίχτερ 2011, p. 666-68.
- ^ French 2015, p. 222-24.
- ^ French 2015, p. 158-59.
- ^ French 2015, p. 163-64.
- ^ Holland 1998, p. 148:According to Holland "In early August [1956] EOKA had unleashed a series of urban assassinations in which twenty-one Greek 'traitors' had been killed—the victims often sought out in cafes to accentuate the public ritual of the horror"
- ^ French 2015, p. 163.
- ^ Holland 1998, p. 203.
- ^ a b French 2015, p. 166-67.
- ^ a b Ρίχτερ 2011, p. 710-12: in the subchapter "Grivas unleash attack against the Left Cite error: The named reference "FOOTNOTEΡίχτερ2011710-12" was defined multiple times with different content (see the help page).
@ Alexikoua: I guess you can add Newsinger's view on torture in more detail. Anticipating comments! Cinadon36 ( talk) 10:10, 6 December 2018 (UTC)
Nice New job again withh this. I feel that some heads need to change to more neutral descriptions, for example "campaign against trators" to something more precise.
Alexikoua (
talk) 06:45, 11 December 2018 (UTC)
Harding continued to pressure EOKA despite the unilateral truce imposing security measures imposed to villagers. This bounced back at the British Forces as EOKA made gains in the field of propaganda. [1] [2] [3]
Meanwhile, PEKA [a] was continuing the struggle for Enosis with political means, while EOKA was trying to recruit new members. Priests and teachers, under strict secrecy, were the scouting for young men aged 14-24, and were mostly successful. [4] Grivas reorganized EOKA's structure. [5] By Autumn, Grivas was increasing his autonomy from Greece and Makarios and was planning to attack the Left and the Turkish Cypriot community. The Greek government and Makarios were unable to prevent those initiatives. [6]
Detention of Persons Law, passed in 15th June 1955, gave the authority to the British authorities to enclose a suspect in a detention camp without a trial. [7] PEKA and later Makarios and Greek Government pointed to the unhuman conditions in those camps. [8] [9] The situation of the inmates there was a matter of dispute [9] International Committee of the Red Cross visited the camps twice and found no problems. [10] [11]. Harding declined the torture allegations, describing it as propaganda by EOKA. [12] Torture allegations had an impact in internal British politics. [13] The precise use of torture methods remains a matter of dispute. According to Heinz Richter, while police or army was generally lawful, the British turned a blind eye to interrogators many of whom were deliberately undereducated Turkish Cypriot who were against Enosis. Another aspect that Richter highlights is that many claims of torture were made as the alleged victims were afraid for their lives as it was punished by death to speak to the British. [14] David French on the other hand views that most - but not all- claims of torture were a propaganda tool of EOKA. [15] In general Harding failed to win over the Greek Cypriot population especially when his security forces resorted to this kind of measures. [16]
Initially, EOKA was intimidating the population not to co-operate with the security forces, but steadily the definition of traitor broadened as the security forces had some successes EOKA at the end of 1956. [17] EOKA members who had spoken to the security forces under interrogation were also considered as traitors and Grivas was in favor of the death penalty in such case. Incidences happened where EOKA guerrillas killed others by their own initiative and not solely based on accusations for treason. The killings took place in public. [18] [19] Such activity peaked especially during summer-autumn 1956. [20] The Greek Cypriot Left and in particular the communist party ( AKEL) were also targeted. The later aimed at a political role in the Greek Cypriot community challenging EOKA's claim that Makarios was the sole leader of the community. As AKEL was growing in numbers it was practically denying Makarios' role. The British delicately fueled this hostility and in August 1957 a second wave of intra-Greek violence broke out. [21] Another similar wave broke out in April- October 1958 when a peace agreement was imminent. [22] [23] AKEL held massive demonstrations and sought the help of Makarios which he granted. [22] [23]
During this period the British were openly tolarating the Turkish Cypriot paramilitary organisations. The British had dellibaretaly set out to use the Turkish Cypriot community on the island and the Turks government as a means of blocking the demand for Enosis. [24] They had effectively allied themselves with the Turkish minority and turned them as the overwhelming majority in the police force. This had now got out of control as far as the British were concerned, but nevertheless they still managed to exploit the situation. [24]
The truce against the collonial authorities lasted until the 28th of October 1957 ( Ohi Day, Greek national holiday) when Harold Macmillan, British minister of foreign affairs, declined a proposal by Makarios. [25]
References
Seems great Alexikoua, I 've added the text to the artice.
Sir Hugh Foot arrived in Cyprus December 1956, when was obvious that a military victory for the British was not imminent. [1] [2] Grivas at that time was planning a gradual escalation of EOKA's attacks to the British forces but in mid-December, he called for a truce to give space to negotiations to take place. The truce broke at 4th March 1958 when a new wave of attacks was unleashed but this time, Grivas ordered his guerillas not attack turkish cypriots to avoid intercommunal violence that could lead to partition. [3]
Turkish Cypriot community objected Enosis long before the 1950s, as they were afraid of repeated persecution similar to what happened to other Muslim populations in newly formed Balkan countries the previous decades. [4] [5] [6] Grass root paramilitary fighting groups appeared as early as of May 1955, such as Kitemb, KaraYilan (meaning Black Snake) and Volkan, all of them were absorbed later by TMT (Turk Mudya Teskilat/Turkish Resistance Organization) [7] [8] TMT was Turkey's tool to fuel intercommunal violence in order to show that partition was the only possible arrangement. [9] Like EOKA, TMT was aggressive against members of its own community (ie leftists) that were not willing to stay in line with their cause. [10] [11]
EOKA was not targeting the Turkish Cypriots at the beginning of the insurgency, but this approach was about to change in January 1957. [12] [13] According to French, Grivas decided to attack Turkish Cypriot so to spark intercommunal tensions and rioting in the towns of Cyprus, forcing the British withdraw their troops from hunting EOKA up in the mountains and restore order in urban areas. [12] From 19 January 1957 to the end of March, EOKA's guerrillas attacked members of the Turkish community, starting with a Turkish Cypriot police officer that sparked riots lasting 3 days. [14] [15]
Intercommunal (and intra-communal) violence escalated in the summer of 1958 with numerous killings. French counted fifty-five assassinations by Turks on Greeks, and fifty-nine assassinations by Greeks on Turks between 7 June and 7 August. [16] [17] A substantial number of turkish cypriots fled from the southern parts of Cyprus and moved to the northern side due to the violence . [18] In order to tackle the intercommunal clash, Foot mounted Operations "Matchbox" and "Table Lighter". [19] [20] A truce was called at August, backed by Greek and Turkish Governments. [21]
References
Cinadon36 ( talk) 06:51, 4 January 2019 (UTC)
EOKA was headed by Georgios Grivas Greek Army officer, World War I and World War II veteran. During the Axis occupation of Greece in World War II, he led a small, anti-communist resistance [a] group, named Organization X. [1] [2] During the anti-communist struggle of December 1944 in Athens after the Axis withdrawal he was saved due to Biritsh intervention. [3] Grivas assumed the nom de guerre Digenis in direct reference to the legendary Byzantine Digenis Akritas who repelled invaders from the Byzantine Empire. [4] [5] Second in command in EOKA was Grigoris Afxentiou, also a former officer of the Greek army. Afxentiou had graduated from the reserves Officers Academy in 1950 without previous experience on battlefield. [6] [7]
The main objective of EOKA was Enosis: union of Cyprus with Greece. The organization adopted typical Greek national ideologies and displayed religious, conservative and anticommunist ideas. [8] [9] This was in agreement with the ideologies cultivated in vaiours fileds of the Greek Cypriot society: education, religion, press and politics. [10] [11] There was a widespread believe that leftists opposed national objectives and provided a certain support to the colonial regime [12] contrary to other contemporary anticolonial insurgencies in Africa or Asia, which where led by marxists. [13]
Grivas and Archbishop of Cyprus, Makarios III, disagreed about the way to overthrow British rule from the island. Grivas rejected Makarios attempt to limit the campaign to acts of sabotage, avoiding loss of life. Nevertheless he shared Makarios view that victory would be won by diplomatic means. [14] Grivas goal was to subject the British to continued relentless harassment, making them clear that occupation carries a price, while keeping Enosis on the international diplomatic agenda. [15] The British response to the EOKA campaign was crucial in this regard: repression would on the one hand alienate the Greek Cypriot population from British rule, and on the other hand provide Makarios and the Greek government with a stick to beat the British with before the United Nations. EOKA would ensure that there was a Cyprus problem and demonstrate to the world that the British could not resolve it. [15]
Grivas carried out a first reconnaissance in Cyprus as early as July 1951.
[16]
Makarios was certainly sceptical, telling Grivas on one occasion that he would not find supporters for an armed struggle. The British shared the same view. Grivas finally arrived on the island in early November 1954 and set about establishing his underground network.
[17] He recruited from the Cyprus Farmers' Union (PEK) in the villages and from the two main youth movements, the Church-controlled Christian Youth Movement (OHEN) and the nationalist Pancyprian Youth Movement (PEON) in the towns.
[17]
[18] Grivas was particularly concerned with mobilizing the young behind the struggle and was later to identify this as one of the distinctive features of EOKA.He intended to turn the youth of Cyprus 'into the sedbed of EOKA'.
[17]At its peak the organization was to muster seven mountain groups, 47 town groups and 75 villages groups, with a total stranth of just over 1,000 men.
[17] The backbone of EOKA were the mountain groups, a conventional guerrilla force living in hidden camps in the forests, and the town groups, often continuing their civilian job or schooling.
[17] Supporting this armed wing was the much broader National Front of Cyprus (EMAK), which organized the guerrilla movement's sympathizers.
[17] which provided EOKA with intelligence, supplies, weapons, medicins, recruits and safe houses, confronted the British on the streets with demonstrations and riots and conducted the propaganda offensive.
[17]
References
— Preceding unsigned comment added by Alexikoua ( talk • contribs) 00:04, 4 January 2019 (UTC)
EOKA also used intimidation towards local population. A number of scholars characterize EOKA as a terrorist organization due attack on civilians or public utilities[24]which is heavily referenced, I think it reflects the view of many RS. Cinadon36 ( talk) 07:41, 4 January 2019 (UTC)
During the campaign, the British Army was the foremost target of EOKA and a total of 1,144 armed clashes, of which 53% were in the cities, took place between the two forces.Markides, Kyriakos C. (1974). "social change and the rise and decline of social movements: the case of Cyprus1". American Ethnologist. 1 (2). Wiley: 309–330.
doi:
10.1525/ae.1974.1.2.02a00070.
ISSN
0094-0496. {{
cite journal}}
: Invalid |ref=harv
(
help) The campaign resulted in the deaths of 105 British servicemen (according to the official figure)
[1] and 51 policemen.
[2] EOKA also targeted civilian Britons in Cyprus, including women and children, due to their nationalities.
[3]
EOKA also undertook a campaign of suppression against other Greek Cypriots they suspected of being allied to or informing the British. This included 230 assassination attempts, in which 148 were killed, 69 were wounded and only 13 escaped unharmed. As such, the operations against other Greek Cypriots were more efficient than the ones against the British, albeit on a smaller scale.Markides, Kyriakos C. (1974). "social change and the rise and decline of social movements: the case of Cyprus1". American Ethnologist. 1 (2). Wiley: 309–330.
doi:
10.1525/ae.1974.1.2.02a00070.
ISSN
0094-0496. {{
cite journal}}
: Invalid |ref=harv
(
help) 23 out of the 148 killed have since been characterised as
leftists and it has been debated whether EOKA targeted those who did not conform to Grivas' right-wing ideology on the basis of their political views or rather to settle personal differences.
[4]
[5]
References
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I removed this section [19], because armed campain is covered in the article. We might use it in the lede, modified ofcourse. Cinadon36 ( talk) 08:09, 28 January 2019 (UTC)
As the security forces weren't able to achieve a definite win over EOKA, the British government was trying to reach a solution that wouldn't embarrass Britain the eyes of the voters. MacMillan Plan was an effort in this direction. Greeks rejected the plan as they saw it as an open door leading to partition and Grivas cancelled the truce on the September 7th. [1] EOKA attacking methods and targets differed significantly from the previous periods. Grivas ordered guerillas to "strike indiscriminately at every English person wherever they can be found" resulting in the death of 8 British citizens in 104 attacks staged by EOKA against security forces in two months time. [2] But while the military force of EOKA was growing, Greek Cypriots were increasingly getting frustrated from the intercommunal violence and the struggle against the British. Makarios hinted in an interview that he was ready to shift his stance and accept independence. This change of direction infuriated Grivas but was backed by influential members of the Greek Cypriot Community. EOKA was losing its broad support base. [3]
During the last months of 1958, all parties had reasons to favour a compromise. Greek Cypriot side was afraid that partition was becoming more and more imminent, Greece was anxious that the ongoing situation could lead to a war with Turkey, Turkey had to manage the ongoing crises at its eastern borders and the British didn't want to see NATO destabilizing because of Greek-Turkish war. On 5 December, foreign ministers of Greece and Turkey acknowledge the common dangers from the ongoing situation and a series of meetings were arranged, that resulted in London-Zürich Agreements a compromise solution in which Cyprus would become an independent and sovereign country. [4] Both Makarios and Grivas accepted the deal with a heavy heart, instead, Turkish-Cypriot leadership was enthusiastic about the compromise. On 9th of March 1959, Grivas issued a leaflet declaring his acceptance to London agreements. [5]
References
This is my new proposal, anticipating comments. @ Alexikoua: would you mind having a look? Cinadon36 ( talk) 18:04, 7 February 2019 (UTC)
I reject it. Is a POV narrative, that neither reflects the NPOV truth, nor even cosely touches it. It is also demonizing and misleading. Jazz1972 ( talk) 19:53, 7 February 2019 (UTC)
Nope, is your arguments that are WP:IDLI and your edits are all POV Jazz1972 ( talk) 22:18, 7 February 2019 (UTC)
I have checked the text using quetext.com and smallseotools.com and it was clear. @ Khirurg: would you mind letting me know where exactly is the plagiarism, so if there is a problem, I may fix it? Cinadon36 ( talk) 08:47, 11 February 2019 (UTC)
As for the source, relying solely on French, it is sure a problematic, but usually, @ Alexikoua: adds text based on Newsinger, so I think a balanced section will be created. Alexikoua, can you lend a helping hand here? Cinadon36 ( talk) 12:37, 11 February 2019 (UTC)
Ok. I'm already working on this. Alexikoua ( talk) 22:34, 11 February 2019 (UTC)
Lysarides and his men were socialists and Tasos Papadopoulos who was in charge of Nicosia sector was centre. All of them were EOKA and EOKA was popular among almost all Greek Cypriots. 3 to 4 traditional Cypriot parties were led by EOKA members. Centre, centre-right and centre-left. So the ideology of EOKA was enosis and self-determination only Jazz1972 ( talk) 19:52, 7 February 2019 (UTC)
So you don't even know who were the presidents of the three parties in Cyprus, while you are pushing the turkish goverment's propaganda POV, everyday, all day long about Cyprus.? You can imagine my shock!!!! Lol!!!! Speaking for POV, the king of it. War is peace ignorance is strength...Lol!!! Of course I have. Do you really think that is a difficult task, to give sources about this....? Jazz1972 ( talk) 22:16, 7 February 2019 (UTC)
"Due to intimidation methods and targeting civilians towards local population a number of scholars characterized EOKA as a terrorist organisation." [20], [21] @ Khirurg: You have pointed out that there is no consensus but failed to show what is the actual problem with it. Note that the sentence is not present in the current version (answering to your second edit summary) Cinadon36 ( talk) 08:06, 8 February 2019 (UTC)