Louis XIV is a
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Citation suggestion
Under Early Acts a citation is needed at the end of the third paragraph (this would be a new citation 23). I cannot edit the article directly but I suggest this book chapter by David Parrot.
"The essence of the regime was the management of allies and clients within the political establishment to concentrate power and influence, creating a commitment to support ministerial policies on the basis of shared political and material interests. This network of alliances started at the top of society: the occasionally fraught but long-lasting alliance between Richelieu and Henri II, prince de Condé, brought great political benefits to Richelieu, primarily by legitimizing his regime via the adherence of a prince of the royal blood.77 Beneath the rapport with Condé, a sporadic network of ministerial alliances descended down through tiers of the great nobility, and were in some cases secured by matrimonial alliances: Bernard de La Valette, second duc d’Épernon; Henri de Guise-Lorraine, comte d’Harcourt; Antoine de Gramont, comte de Guiche.78 The network extended through families and groupings within the noblesse de robe with power and influence in key judicial and financial institutions. It could include families whose members, holding the office of maître des requêtes in the Paris Parlement, might be commissioned to act as intendants with instructions to try to impose or collect taxes in provinces, neutralize opposition, or satisfy the various financiers that outstanding revenues or debts would be collected. But many other members of the network of clients were themselves part of the provincial elites—nobles, churchmen, or office-holders, tasked with trying to break down resistance to tax demands, overseeing unpopular legislation, and buying off or intimidating opponents of Richelieu’s policies in the provinces and within local institutions.79
An essentially personalized network linked a nexus of ministerial supporters across court, central government, provinces, and institutions. What bound them to ministerial policies was not ideological commitment to Richelieu’s priorities in foreign policy, still less a belief that Richelieu’s rule was synonymous with political modernization or state-building. What motivated and maintained their adherence was an alignment of interests. As the burdens of sustaining the war effort grew heavier, the task of selling and maintaining ministerial policies became harder and generated more antagonism between the exponents of ministerial policy and their opponents. Yet the benefits of adherence to a powerful patronage network could provide a range of advantages in terms of appointments for relatives and friends, career advancement, political influence, and judicial protection. For many of those in the higher reaches of ministerial clienteles, or the political allies of Richelieu and, later, Mazarin, involvement on favourable terms in the financing of the war effort became one of the largest attractions of cooperation with the regime. ‘Exploitative finance seems the glue which held together the Mazarinist regime’, as William Beik bluntly summed up this mechanism.80 The perception was widely shared that the only access to the king and royal favour lay through the minister and his clients, and this was indeed a situation that Richelieu wished to create, even if he was not wholly successful. Moreover, the king’s decisions in matters of favour were perceived as subordinate to those of the cardinal-minister. The claim that the ‘king counted for nothing’ in appointments and promotions to military office, though demonstrably not true, became a regular and bitter complaint in the officer corps, which was split between those who enjoyed advancement because they were the cardinal’s clients, and those marginalized or excluded despite their services.81
A lot of resentment and hostility was generated by this essentially informal regime through which the cardinal and his allies gained control of the mechanisms of government and used them to short-circuit the ‘ordinary’ system of royal authority based on established institutions and traditional rights. This hostility should be emphasized."
Djorenstein (
talk) 14:55, 8 September 2023 (UTC)reply
Louis XIV is a
former featured article. Please see the links under Article milestones below for its original nomination page (for older articles, check
the nomination archive) and why it was removed.
This article is within the scope of WikiProject Biography, a collaborative effort to create, develop and organize Wikipedia's articles about people. All interested editors are invited to
join the project and
contribute to the discussion. For instructions on how to use this banner, please refer to the
documentation.BiographyWikipedia:WikiProject BiographyTemplate:WikiProject Biographybiography articles
This article is within the scope of WikiProject France, a collaborative effort to improve the coverage of
France on Wikipedia. If you would like to participate, please visit the project page, where you can join
the discussion and see a list of open tasks.FranceWikipedia:WikiProject FranceTemplate:WikiProject FranceFrance articles
This article is within the scope of the Military history WikiProject. If you would like to participate, please visit the project page, where you can join the project and see a
list of open tasks. To use this banner, please see the
full instructions.Military historyWikipedia:WikiProject Military historyTemplate:WikiProject Military historymilitary history articles
This article has been checked against the following criteria for B-class status:
This article is within the scope of WikiProject Politics, a collaborative effort to improve the coverage of
politics on Wikipedia. If you would like to participate, please visit the project page, where you can join
the discussion and see a list of open tasks.PoliticsWikipedia:WikiProject PoliticsTemplate:WikiProject Politicspolitics articles
This article is within the scope of WikiProject European history, a collaborative effort to improve the coverage of the
history of Europe on Wikipedia. If you would like to participate, please visit the project page, where you can join
the discussion and see a list of open tasks.European historyWikipedia:WikiProject European historyTemplate:WikiProject European historyEuropean history articles
This article is within the scope of WikiProject European Microstates, a collaborative effort to improve the coverage of
European Microstates on Wikipedia. If you would like to participate, please visit the project page, where you can join
the discussion and see a list of open tasks.European MicrostatesWikipedia:WikiProject European MicrostatesTemplate:WikiProject European MicrostatesEuropean Microstates articles
This article is within the scope of WikiProject Christianity, a collaborative effort to improve the coverage of
Christianity on Wikipedia. If you would like to participate, please visit the project page, where you can join
the discussion and see a list of open tasks.ChristianityWikipedia:WikiProject ChristianityTemplate:WikiProject ChristianityChristianity articles
Louis XIV is within the scope of WikiProject Catholicism, an attempt to better organize and improve the quality of information in articles related to the
Catholic Church. For more information, visit the
project page.CatholicismWikipedia:WikiProject CatholicismTemplate:WikiProject CatholicismCatholicism articles
This article is within the scope of WikiProject Dance, a collaborative effort to improve the coverage of
Dance and
Dance-related topics on Wikipedia. If you would like to participate, please visit the project page, where you can join
the discussion and see a list of open tasks.DanceWikipedia:WikiProject DanceTemplate:WikiProject DanceDance articles
This article is within the scope of WikiProject International relations, a collaborative effort to improve the coverage of
International relations on Wikipedia. If you would like to participate, please visit the project page, where you can join
the discussion and see a list of open tasks.International relationsWikipedia:WikiProject International relationsTemplate:WikiProject International relationsInternational relations articles
This page has archives. Sections older than 90 days may be automatically archived by Lowercase sigmabot III when more than 5 sections are present.
Citation suggestion
Under Early Acts a citation is needed at the end of the third paragraph (this would be a new citation 23). I cannot edit the article directly but I suggest this book chapter by David Parrot.
"The essence of the regime was the management of allies and clients within the political establishment to concentrate power and influence, creating a commitment to support ministerial policies on the basis of shared political and material interests. This network of alliances started at the top of society: the occasionally fraught but long-lasting alliance between Richelieu and Henri II, prince de Condé, brought great political benefits to Richelieu, primarily by legitimizing his regime via the adherence of a prince of the royal blood.77 Beneath the rapport with Condé, a sporadic network of ministerial alliances descended down through tiers of the great nobility, and were in some cases secured by matrimonial alliances: Bernard de La Valette, second duc d’Épernon; Henri de Guise-Lorraine, comte d’Harcourt; Antoine de Gramont, comte de Guiche.78 The network extended through families and groupings within the noblesse de robe with power and influence in key judicial and financial institutions. It could include families whose members, holding the office of maître des requêtes in the Paris Parlement, might be commissioned to act as intendants with instructions to try to impose or collect taxes in provinces, neutralize opposition, or satisfy the various financiers that outstanding revenues or debts would be collected. But many other members of the network of clients were themselves part of the provincial elites—nobles, churchmen, or office-holders, tasked with trying to break down resistance to tax demands, overseeing unpopular legislation, and buying off or intimidating opponents of Richelieu’s policies in the provinces and within local institutions.79
An essentially personalized network linked a nexus of ministerial supporters across court, central government, provinces, and institutions. What bound them to ministerial policies was not ideological commitment to Richelieu’s priorities in foreign policy, still less a belief that Richelieu’s rule was synonymous with political modernization or state-building. What motivated and maintained their adherence was an alignment of interests. As the burdens of sustaining the war effort grew heavier, the task of selling and maintaining ministerial policies became harder and generated more antagonism between the exponents of ministerial policy and their opponents. Yet the benefits of adherence to a powerful patronage network could provide a range of advantages in terms of appointments for relatives and friends, career advancement, political influence, and judicial protection. For many of those in the higher reaches of ministerial clienteles, or the political allies of Richelieu and, later, Mazarin, involvement on favourable terms in the financing of the war effort became one of the largest attractions of cooperation with the regime. ‘Exploitative finance seems the glue which held together the Mazarinist regime’, as William Beik bluntly summed up this mechanism.80 The perception was widely shared that the only access to the king and royal favour lay through the minister and his clients, and this was indeed a situation that Richelieu wished to create, even if he was not wholly successful. Moreover, the king’s decisions in matters of favour were perceived as subordinate to those of the cardinal-minister. The claim that the ‘king counted for nothing’ in appointments and promotions to military office, though demonstrably not true, became a regular and bitter complaint in the officer corps, which was split between those who enjoyed advancement because they were the cardinal’s clients, and those marginalized or excluded despite their services.81
A lot of resentment and hostility was generated by this essentially informal regime through which the cardinal and his allies gained control of the mechanisms of government and used them to short-circuit the ‘ordinary’ system of royal authority based on established institutions and traditional rights. This hostility should be emphasized."
Djorenstein (
talk) 14:55, 8 September 2023 (UTC)reply