From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia

Slow Fashion Counter

In her recent article titled “Doing Good and Looking Good: Women in ‘Fast Fashion’ Activism”, Rimi Khan criticizes the slow fashion movement, particularly the work of high-profile designers and slow fashion advocates Stella McCartney and Vivienne Westwood, as well as other well known industry professionals such as Livia Firth, for creating slow fashion products which cater to a mostly western, wealthy, and female demographic. [1] Khan points out that because most slow fashion products are significantly more expensive than fast fashion items, consumers are required to have a certain amount of disposable income in order to participate in the movement. [1] Khan argues that by proposing a solution to fast-fashion that is largely inaccessible to many consumers, they are positioning wealthier women as “agents of change” in the movement against fast fashion, whereas the shopping habits of lower income women and people of other genders are often considered “problematic”. [1] Andrea Chang provides a similar critique of the slow fashion movement in her article “The Impact of Fast Fashion on Women”. Chang argues that the slow fashion and ethical fashion movements place too much responsibility on the consumers of fast fashion clothing, most of whom are women, to influence the industry through their consumption. [2] Chang suggests that because most consumers are limited in their ability to choose where and how they purchase clothing, largely due to financial factors, anti-fast fashion activists should target lawmakers, manufacturers, and investors with a stake in the fast fashion industry rather than create an alternative industry that is only accessible to some. [2]

Women and export processing zones

July 2011

The International Labour Organization defines Export Processing Zones (EPZ) as “industrial zones with special incentives set up to attract foreign investors, in which imported materials undergo some degree of processing before being re-exported”. [3] EPZs have been used by developing countries to bolster foreign investment, and produce consumer goods that are labour intensive, like clothing. [4] Many EPZs have been criticized for their substandard working conditions, low wages, and suspension of international and domestic labour laws. [5] Interestingly, women account for 70-90% of the working population in some EPZ areas, such as Sri Lanka, Bangladesh, and the Philippines. [5] [6] Despite their overrepresentation in EPZ informal sector ( informal economy) employment, women are still likely to earn less than men. [5] Mainly, this discrepancy is due to employer’s preferring to hire men in technical and managerial positions and women in lower-skilled production work. [5] Moreover, EPZ employers tend to prefer hiring women for production jobs because they are seen as more compliant and less likely to join labour unions. [3] In addition, a report that interviewed Sri Lankan women working in EPZs found that gender-based violence “emerged as a dominant theme in their narratives”. [7] For example, 38% of women reported seeing or experiencing sexual harassment within their workplace. [7] However, proponents of textile and garment production as a means for economic upgrading in developing countries ( global value chain) have pointed out that clothing production work tends to have higher wages than other available jobs, such as agriculture or domestic service work, and therefore provides women with a larger degree of financial autonomy. [4]

Bibliography

  1. ^ a b c Khan, Rimi (2016). "Doing good and looking good: women in 'fast fashion' activism". Women & Environments International Magazine.{{ cite news}}: CS1 maint: url-status ( link)
  2. ^ a b Chang, Andrea (2020-06-09). "The Impact of Fast Fashion on Women". Journal of Integrative Research & Reflection. 3: 16–24. doi: 10.15353/jirr.v3.1624. ISSN  2561-8024.
  3. ^ a b Sarah., Perman, (2004). Behind the brand names : working conditions and labour rights in export processing zones. International Confederation of Free Trade Unions. OCLC  1039301791.{{ cite book}}: CS1 maint: extra punctuation ( link) CS1 maint: multiple names: authors list ( link)
  4. ^ a b Velde, D. "The Role of Clothing and Textile Industries in the Growth and Development Strategies of Developing Countries". ODI. Retrieved 2021-02-25.{{ cite web}}: CS1 maint: url-status ( link)
  5. ^ a b c d Romero, Ana Teresa (1995-09). "Labour Standards and Export Processing Zones: Situation and Pressures for Change". Development Policy Review. 13 (3): 247–276. doi: 10.1111/j.1467-7679.1995.tb00093.x. ISSN  0950-6764. {{ cite journal}}: Check date values in: |date= ( help)
  6. ^ Joni., Seager, (2018). The women's atlas. Penguin Books. ISBN  978-0-14-313234-9. OCLC  1125163859.{{ cite book}}: CS1 maint: extra punctuation ( link) CS1 maint: multiple names: authors list ( link)
  7. ^ a b Hancock, Peter (2006-01-01). "Violence, Women, Work and Empowerment: Narratives from Factory Women in Sri Lanka's Export Processing Zones". Gender, Technology and Development. 10 (2): 211–228. doi: 10.1177/097185240601000203. ISSN  0971-8524.
From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia

Slow Fashion Counter

In her recent article titled “Doing Good and Looking Good: Women in ‘Fast Fashion’ Activism”, Rimi Khan criticizes the slow fashion movement, particularly the work of high-profile designers and slow fashion advocates Stella McCartney and Vivienne Westwood, as well as other well known industry professionals such as Livia Firth, for creating slow fashion products which cater to a mostly western, wealthy, and female demographic. [1] Khan points out that because most slow fashion products are significantly more expensive than fast fashion items, consumers are required to have a certain amount of disposable income in order to participate in the movement. [1] Khan argues that by proposing a solution to fast-fashion that is largely inaccessible to many consumers, they are positioning wealthier women as “agents of change” in the movement against fast fashion, whereas the shopping habits of lower income women and people of other genders are often considered “problematic”. [1] Andrea Chang provides a similar critique of the slow fashion movement in her article “The Impact of Fast Fashion on Women”. Chang argues that the slow fashion and ethical fashion movements place too much responsibility on the consumers of fast fashion clothing, most of whom are women, to influence the industry through their consumption. [2] Chang suggests that because most consumers are limited in their ability to choose where and how they purchase clothing, largely due to financial factors, anti-fast fashion activists should target lawmakers, manufacturers, and investors with a stake in the fast fashion industry rather than create an alternative industry that is only accessible to some. [2]

Women and export processing zones

July 2011

The International Labour Organization defines Export Processing Zones (EPZ) as “industrial zones with special incentives set up to attract foreign investors, in which imported materials undergo some degree of processing before being re-exported”. [3] EPZs have been used by developing countries to bolster foreign investment, and produce consumer goods that are labour intensive, like clothing. [4] Many EPZs have been criticized for their substandard working conditions, low wages, and suspension of international and domestic labour laws. [5] Interestingly, women account for 70-90% of the working population in some EPZ areas, such as Sri Lanka, Bangladesh, and the Philippines. [5] [6] Despite their overrepresentation in EPZ informal sector ( informal economy) employment, women are still likely to earn less than men. [5] Mainly, this discrepancy is due to employer’s preferring to hire men in technical and managerial positions and women in lower-skilled production work. [5] Moreover, EPZ employers tend to prefer hiring women for production jobs because they are seen as more compliant and less likely to join labour unions. [3] In addition, a report that interviewed Sri Lankan women working in EPZs found that gender-based violence “emerged as a dominant theme in their narratives”. [7] For example, 38% of women reported seeing or experiencing sexual harassment within their workplace. [7] However, proponents of textile and garment production as a means for economic upgrading in developing countries ( global value chain) have pointed out that clothing production work tends to have higher wages than other available jobs, such as agriculture or domestic service work, and therefore provides women with a larger degree of financial autonomy. [4]

Bibliography

  1. ^ a b c Khan, Rimi (2016). "Doing good and looking good: women in 'fast fashion' activism". Women & Environments International Magazine.{{ cite news}}: CS1 maint: url-status ( link)
  2. ^ a b Chang, Andrea (2020-06-09). "The Impact of Fast Fashion on Women". Journal of Integrative Research & Reflection. 3: 16–24. doi: 10.15353/jirr.v3.1624. ISSN  2561-8024.
  3. ^ a b Sarah., Perman, (2004). Behind the brand names : working conditions and labour rights in export processing zones. International Confederation of Free Trade Unions. OCLC  1039301791.{{ cite book}}: CS1 maint: extra punctuation ( link) CS1 maint: multiple names: authors list ( link)
  4. ^ a b Velde, D. "The Role of Clothing and Textile Industries in the Growth and Development Strategies of Developing Countries". ODI. Retrieved 2021-02-25.{{ cite web}}: CS1 maint: url-status ( link)
  5. ^ a b c d Romero, Ana Teresa (1995-09). "Labour Standards and Export Processing Zones: Situation and Pressures for Change". Development Policy Review. 13 (3): 247–276. doi: 10.1111/j.1467-7679.1995.tb00093.x. ISSN  0950-6764. {{ cite journal}}: Check date values in: |date= ( help)
  6. ^ Joni., Seager, (2018). The women's atlas. Penguin Books. ISBN  978-0-14-313234-9. OCLC  1125163859.{{ cite book}}: CS1 maint: extra punctuation ( link) CS1 maint: multiple names: authors list ( link)
  7. ^ a b Hancock, Peter (2006-01-01). "Violence, Women, Work and Empowerment: Narratives from Factory Women in Sri Lanka's Export Processing Zones". Gender, Technology and Development. 10 (2): 211–228. doi: 10.1177/097185240601000203. ISSN  0971-8524.

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