The grammar of the Sindhi language is the set of structural rules describing Sindhi utterances. Sindhi grammar is largely similar to that of other Indo-Aryan languages, but has some unique features such as pronominal suffixes, gendered demonstratives, and morphological passive forms of verbs. Sindhi grammar is relatively understudied; the most comprehensive source is the 1872 grammar by Ernest Trumpp.
This article primarily describes the grammar of Modern Standard Sindhi, i.e. the Vicholi dialect as spoken around Hyderabad. Other dialects are mentioned secondarily.
Sindhi nouns distinguish two genders (masculine and feminine), two numbers (singular and plural), and five cases (nominative, vocative, oblique, ablative, and locative). This is a similar paradigm to Punjabi. Almost all Sindhi noun stems end in a vowel, except for some recent loanwords. The declension of a noun in Sindhi is largely determined from its grammatical gender and the final vowel (or if there is no final vowel). Generally, -o stems are masculine and -a stems are feminine, but the other final vowels can belong to either gender.
The different paradigms are listed below with examples. [1] The ablative and locative cases are used with only some lexemes in the singular number and hence not listed, but predictably take the suffixes -ā̃ / -aū̃ / -ū̃ (ABL) and -i (LOC).
SG | PL | Gloss | ||||||
---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
NOM | VOC | OBL | NOM | VOC | OBL | |||
M | I | ڇوڪِرو chokiro |
ڇوڪِرا chokirā |
ڇوڪِري chokire |
ڇوڪِرا chokirā |
ڇوڪِرا / ڇوڪِرَ chokirā / chokira |
ڇوڪِرَنِ chokirani |
boy |
II | ٻارُ ɓāru |
ٻارَ ɓāra |
ٻارو / ٻارَ ɓāra / ɓāro |
ٻارَنِ ɓārani |
child | |||
III | ساٿِي sāthī |
ساٿِيءَ sāthīa |
ساٿِي sāthī |
ساٿيو sāthyo |
ساٿيُنِ sāthyuni |
companion | ||
رَھاکُو rahākū |
رَھاکُوءَ rahākūa |
رَھاکُو rahākū |
رَھاکُئو rahākuo |
رَھاکُنِ rahākuni |
inhabitant | |||
IV | راجا rājā |
راجا / راجائُون rājā / rājāū̃ |
راجائُنِ rājāuni |
king | ||||
سيٺِ seṭhi |
سيٺِ / سيٺيُون seṭhi / seṭhyū̃ |
سيٺيُنِ seṭhyuni |
merchant | |||||
F | I | زالَ zāla |
زالُون zālū̃ |
زالُنِ zāluni |
woman | |||
سَسُ sasu |
سَسُون sasū̃ |
سَسُنِ sasuni |
mother-in-law | |||||
II | دَوا davā |
دَوائُون davāū̃ |
دَوائُنِ davāuni |
medicine | ||||
راتِ rāti |
راتيُون rātyū̃ |
راتيُنِ rātyuni |
night | |||||
هوٽَل hoṭal |
هوٽَلُون hoṭalū̃ |
هوٽَلُنِ hoṭaluni |
hotel | |||||
III | ڳَئُون ɠaū̃ |
ڳَئُونَ ɠaū̃a |
ڳَئُون ɠaū̃ |
ڳَئُونِ ɠaūni |
cow | |||
IV | نَدِي nadī |
نَدِيءَ nadīa |
نَديُون nadyū̃ |
نَديُنِ nadyuni |
river |
A few nouns representing familial relations take irregular declensions with an extension in -r- in the plural. These are the masculine nouns ڀاءُ bhāu "brother", پِيءُ pīu "father", and the feminine nouns ڌِيءَ dhīa "daughter", نُونھَن nū̃hã "daughter-in-law", ڀيڻَ bheṇa "sister", ماءُ māu "mother", and جوءِ joi "wife". [1]
SG | PL | Gloss | |||||
---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
NOM | VOC | OBL | NOM | VOC | OBL | ||
M | ڀاءُ bhāu |
ڀائُرُ / ڀائُرَ bhāuru / bhāura |
ڀائُرَ / ڀائُرو bhāura / bhāuro |
ڀائُرَنِ / ڀائُنِ bhāurani / bhāuni |
brother | ||
F | ڌِيءَ / ڌِيءُ dhīa / dhīu |
ڌِيئَرُ / ڌِيئَرُون / ڌِيئُون dhīaru / dhīarū̃ / dhīū̃ |
ڌِيئَرُنِ / ڌِيئُنِ dhīaruni / dhīuni |
daughter |
Like other Indo-Aryan languages, Sindhi has first and second-person personal pronouns as well as several types of third-person proximal and distal demonstratives. These decline in the nominative and oblique cases. The genitive is a special form for the first and second-person singular, but formed as usual with the oblique and case marker جو jo for the rest. The personal pronouns are listed below. [2]
SG | PL | |||||
---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
1 | 2 | 1 | 2 | |||
NOM | مَان / آئُون mā̃ / āū̃ |
تُون tū̃ |
اَسِين asī̃ |
تَوِهِين tavhī̃ | ||
OBL | مُون mū̃ |
تو to |
اَسَان asā̃ |
تَوِهَان tavhā̃ | ||
GEN | مُنهِنجو mũhinjo |
تُنهِنجو tũhinjo |
— |
The third-person pronouns are listed below. Besides the unmarked demonstratives, there are also "specific" and "present" demonstratives. In the nominative singular, the demonstratives are marked for gender. Some other pronouns which decline identically to ڪو ko "someone" are هَرڪو har-ko "everyone", سَڀڪو sabh-ko "all of them", جيڪو je-ko "whoever" (relative), and تيڪو te-ko "that one" (correlative). [2]
Demonstrative | Interrogative | Relative | Correlative | |||||||||
---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
Unmarked | Specific | Present | Indefinite | |||||||||
PROX | DIST | PROX | DIST | PROX | DIST | |||||||
SG | NOM | M | هِي hī |
هُو hū |
اِهو iho |
اُهو uho |
اِجهو ijho |
اوجهو ojho |
ڪو ko |
ڪيرُ keru |
جو jo |
سو so |
F | هِيءَ hīa |
هُوءَ hūa |
اِهَا ihā |
اُهَا uhā |
اِجهَا ijhā |
اوجهَا ojhā |
ڪَا kā |
ڪيرَ kera |
جَا jā |
سَا sā | ||
OBL | هِنَ hina |
هُنَ huna |
اِنهين inhẽ |
اُنهين unhẽ |
— | ڪَنهِن kãhĩ |
جَنهِن jãhĩ |
تَنهِن tãhĩ | ||||
PL | NOM | هِي hī |
هُو hū |
اِهي ihe |
اُهي uhe |
اِجهي ijhe |
اوجهي ojhe |
ڪي ke |
ڪيرَ kera |
جي je |
سي se | |
OBL | هِنَنِ hinani |
هُنَنِ hunani |
اِنهَنِ inhani |
اُنهَنِ unhani |
— | ڪِنِ kini |
جِنِ jini |
تنِ tini |
Sindhi has a system of pronominal clitics, a feature shared with Saraiki and some dialects of Punjabi. However, pronominal clitics in Sindhi are much more widely used, marking both possessors, verbal arguments, and objects of postpositions and case markers. The pronominal suffixes can be grouped into four classes:
The forms of the pronominal suffixes in each class are given below. [3] Secondary variants are allomorphs which are used when another pronominal suffix is attached after. The Class IV suffixes are analysed by some linguists as part of the verb morphology.
SG | PL | |||||
---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
1 | 2 | 3 | 1 | 2 | 3 | |
I | مِ / مَان -mi / -mā̃ |
ءِ -i |
سِ -si |
∅ -∅ |
وَ -va |
نِ -ni |
II | يِن -ī̃ |
وُن -ū̃ | ||||
III | وُن -ū̃ | |||||
IV | سِ / سَان -si / -sā̃ |
∅ -∅ |
سِين / سُون -sī̃ / -sū̃ |
و -o |
∅ -∅ |
For example, one can use Class I pronominal suffixes to indicate possession:
mũhinj-o
1SG. GEN- M. SG
puṭu
son
my son
puṭu-mi
son- 1SG. OBL
my son
To say "I gave it to him", one can say any of:
mū̃
1SG. OBL
huna
3SG. OBL
khe
DAT
ɗin-o
give. PFV- M. SG
mū̃
1SG. OBL
khe-si
DAT- 3SG. OBL
ɗin-o
give. PFV- M. SG
khe-si
DAT- 3SG
ɗina-mi
give. PFV- 1SG. SUBJ
ɗino-mā̃-si
give. PFV- 1SG. SUBJ- 3SG. OBL
Note that in the last example, the subject is indicated with a Class II pronominal suffix (with the secondary variant due to another suffix following) and the recipient with a Class I suffix.
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Most nominal relations (e.g. the semantic role of a nominal as an argument to a verb) are indicated using postpositions, which follow a noun in the oblique case. The subject of the verb takes the bare oblique case, while the object may be in nominative case or in oblique case and followed by the accusative case marker کي khe. [4]
The postpositions are divided into case markers, which directly follow the noun, and complex postpositions, which combine with a case marker (usually the genitive جو jo).
The case markers are listed below. [4]: 399
The postpositions with the suffix -o decline in gender and number to agree with their governor, e.g. ڇوڪِرو جو پِيءُ chokiro j-o pīu "the boy's father" but ڇوڪِر جِي مَاءُ chokiro j-ī māu "the boy's mother".
Case | Marker | Example | English |
---|---|---|---|
Nominative | — | ڇوڪِرو chokiro |
the boy |
Accusative Dative |
کي khe |
ڇوڪِري کي chokire khe |
the boy to the boy |
Genitive | جو j-o |
ڇوڪِري جو chokire jo |
of the boy |
سَندو sand-o |
ڇوڪِري سَندو chokire sando | ||
Sociative | سُڌو sudh-o |
ڇوڪِري سُڌو chokire sudho |
along with the boy |
Comitative Instrumental |
سَان sā̃ |
ڇوڪِري سَان chokire sā̃ |
with the boy |
سَاڻُ sāṇu |
ڇوڪِري سَاڻُ chokire sāṇu | ||
Locative | ۾ mẽ |
ڇوڪِري ۾ chokire mẽ |
in the boy |
مَنجهِ manjhi |
ڇوڪِري مَنجهِ chokire manjhi | ||
Adessive | تي te |
ڇوڪِري تي chokire te |
on the boy |
وَٽِ vaṭi |
ڇوڪِري وَٽِ chokire vaṭi |
near the boy the boy has... | |
Orientative | ڏَانهَن ḍā̃hã |
ڇوڪِري ڏَانهَن chokire ḍā̃hã |
towards the boy |
Terminative | تَائيِن tāī̃ |
ڇوڪِري تَائيِن chokire tāī̃ |
up to the boy |
Benefactive | لاءِ lāi |
ڇوڪِري لاءِ chokire lāi |
for the boy |
Semblative | وَانگُرُ vānguru |
ڇوڪِري وَانگُرُ chokire vānguru |
like the boy |
جَهڙو jahṛ-o |
ڇوڪِري جَهڙو chokire jahṛo |
There are several ablative case markers formed from the spatial postpositions and the ablative ending -ā̃. These indicate complex motion such as "from inside of". [4]: 400
Marker | Example | English |
---|---|---|
کَان khā̃ |
ڇوڪِري کَان chokire khā̃ |
from the boy |
مَان mā̃ |
ڇوڪِري مَان chokire mā̃ |
from inside the boy |
تَان tā̃ |
ڇوڪِري تَان chokire tā̃ |
from upon the boy |
ڏَانهَان ḍā̃hā̃ |
ڇوڪِري ڏَانهَان chokire ḍā̃hā̃ |
from the direction of the boy |
Finally, some case markers are found in medieval Sindhi literature and/or modern poetic Sindhi, and otherwise not used in standard speech.
Case | Marker | Example | English |
---|---|---|---|
Accusative Adessive |
ڪَني kane |
ڇوڪِري ڪَني chokire kane |
to/near the boy |
The complex postpositions are formed with a case marker, usually the genitive but sometimes the ablative. Many are listed below. [4]: 405
Sindhi | Transliteration | Explanation |
---|---|---|
جي اَڳيَان | je aɠyā̃ | "ahead of, before"; apudessive |
جي اَندَرِ | je andari | "inside of"; inessive |
جي بَدِرَان | je badirā̃ | "instead of, in place of" |
جي بَرَابَر | je barābar | "equal to" |
جي ٻَاهَرَان | je ɓāharā̃ | "outside of" |
کَان ٻَاهَرِ | khā̃ ɓāhari | |
جي باري ۾ | je bāre mẽ | "about, concerning" |
جي چَوڌَارِي | je caudhārī | "around" |
جي هيٺَان | je heṭhā̃ | "below, under" |
جي ڪَري | je kare | "for, on account of" |
جي لَاءِ | je lāi | "for" |
جي مَٿَان | je mathā̃ | "above, on top of, upon" |
کَان پَري | khā̃ pare | "far from" |
جي پَارِ | je pāri | "across, on the other side of" |
جي پَاسي | je pāse | "on the side of, near" |
کَان پوءِ | khā̃ poi | "after" |
جي پُٺيَان | je puṭhyā̃ | "behind" |
جي سَامهون | je sāmhõ | "in front of, facing" |
کَان سِوَاءِ | khā̃ sivāi | "besides, apart from" |
جي وَاسطي | je vāste | "for the sake of, on account of" |
جي ويجهو | je vejho | "near"; adessive |
جي وِچِ ۾ | je vici mẽ | "between, among" |
جي خَاطِرِ | je xātiri | "for the sake of" |
جي خِلَافِ | je xilāfi | "against" |
جي ذَرِيعي | je zarī'e | "via, through"; perlative |
There are two morphological classes of verbs which have different conjugational paradigms: class I (mostly intransitive verb) and class II (transitive verbs). A few transitive verbs, such as اُگھ ugh "wipe" conjugate as class I. To represent the two verb classes, the stems ھَل hal- "to walk" and مار mār- "to hit" are used as examples.
Base | Polite | |||
---|---|---|---|---|
SG | PL | SG | PL | |
I | ھَلُ halu |
ھَلو halo |
ھَلِجِ haliji |
ھَلِجو halijo |
II | مَارِ māri |
مَاريو māryo |
مَارِجِ māriji |
مَارِجو mārijo |
SG | PL | |||||
---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
1 | 2 | 3 | 1 | 2 | 3 | |
I | ھَلان halā̃ |
ھَلِين halī̃ |
ھَلي hale |
ھَلُون halū̃ |
ھَلو halo |
ھَلَنِ halani |
II | مَاريان māryā̃ |
مَارِين mārī̃ |
مَاري māre |
مَاريُون māryū̃ |
مَاريو māryo |
مَارِنِ / مَارِينِ mārini / mārīni |
SG | PL | ||||||
---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
1 | 2 | 3 | 1 | 2 | 3 | ||
I | M | ھَليُسِ halyusi |
ھَليين halyẽ |
ھَليو halyo |
هَليَاسِين halyāsī̃ |
ھَليَا / ھَليَائو halyā / halyāo |
ھَليَا halyā |
F | ھَليَسِ halyasi |
ھَلِيئَن halīã |
ھَلِي halī |
هَليُونسِين halyū̃sī̃ |
هَليُون halyū̃ | ||
II | M | — | مَاريو māryo |
— | مَاريَا māryā | ||
F | مَارِي mārī |
مَاريُون māryū̃ |
SG | PL | ||||||
---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
1 | 2 | 3 | 1 | 2 | 3 | ||
I | M | ھَلَندُسِ halandusi |
ھَلَندين halandẽ |
ھَلَندو halando |
ھَلَندَاسِين halandāsī̃ |
ھَلَندَا / ھَلَندَائو halandā / halandāo |
ھَلَندَا halandā |
F | ھَلَنديَسِ halandyasi |
ھَلَندِيئَن halandīã |
ھَلَندِي halandī |
ھَلَنديُونسِين halandyū̃sī̃ |
ھَلَنديُون halandyū̃ | ||
II | M | مَارِندُسِ mārindusi |
مَارِندين mārindẽ |
مَارِندو mārindo |
مَارِندَاسِين mārindāsī̃ |
مَارِندَا / مَارِندَائو mārindā / mārindāo |
مَارِندَا mārindā |
F | مَارِنديَسِ mārindyasi |
مَارِندِيئَن mārindīã |
مَارِندِي mārindī |
مَارِنديُونسِين mārindyū̃sī̃ |
مَارِنديُون mārindyū̃ |
The grammar of the Sindhi language is the set of structural rules describing Sindhi utterances. Sindhi grammar is largely similar to that of other Indo-Aryan languages, but has some unique features such as pronominal suffixes, gendered demonstratives, and morphological passive forms of verbs. Sindhi grammar is relatively understudied; the most comprehensive source is the 1872 grammar by Ernest Trumpp.
This article primarily describes the grammar of Modern Standard Sindhi, i.e. the Vicholi dialect as spoken around Hyderabad. Other dialects are mentioned secondarily.
Sindhi nouns distinguish two genders (masculine and feminine), two numbers (singular and plural), and five cases (nominative, vocative, oblique, ablative, and locative). This is a similar paradigm to Punjabi. Almost all Sindhi noun stems end in a vowel, except for some recent loanwords. The declension of a noun in Sindhi is largely determined from its grammatical gender and the final vowel (or if there is no final vowel). Generally, -o stems are masculine and -a stems are feminine, but the other final vowels can belong to either gender.
The different paradigms are listed below with examples. [1] The ablative and locative cases are used with only some lexemes in the singular number and hence not listed, but predictably take the suffixes -ā̃ / -aū̃ / -ū̃ (ABL) and -i (LOC).
SG | PL | Gloss | ||||||
---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
NOM | VOC | OBL | NOM | VOC | OBL | |||
M | I | ڇوڪِرو chokiro |
ڇوڪِرا chokirā |
ڇوڪِري chokire |
ڇوڪِرا chokirā |
ڇوڪِرا / ڇوڪِرَ chokirā / chokira |
ڇوڪِرَنِ chokirani |
boy |
II | ٻارُ ɓāru |
ٻارَ ɓāra |
ٻارو / ٻارَ ɓāra / ɓāro |
ٻارَنِ ɓārani |
child | |||
III | ساٿِي sāthī |
ساٿِيءَ sāthīa |
ساٿِي sāthī |
ساٿيو sāthyo |
ساٿيُنِ sāthyuni |
companion | ||
رَھاکُو rahākū |
رَھاکُوءَ rahākūa |
رَھاکُو rahākū |
رَھاکُئو rahākuo |
رَھاکُنِ rahākuni |
inhabitant | |||
IV | راجا rājā |
راجا / راجائُون rājā / rājāū̃ |
راجائُنِ rājāuni |
king | ||||
سيٺِ seṭhi |
سيٺِ / سيٺيُون seṭhi / seṭhyū̃ |
سيٺيُنِ seṭhyuni |
merchant | |||||
F | I | زالَ zāla |
زالُون zālū̃ |
زالُنِ zāluni |
woman | |||
سَسُ sasu |
سَسُون sasū̃ |
سَسُنِ sasuni |
mother-in-law | |||||
II | دَوا davā |
دَوائُون davāū̃ |
دَوائُنِ davāuni |
medicine | ||||
راتِ rāti |
راتيُون rātyū̃ |
راتيُنِ rātyuni |
night | |||||
هوٽَل hoṭal |
هوٽَلُون hoṭalū̃ |
هوٽَلُنِ hoṭaluni |
hotel | |||||
III | ڳَئُون ɠaū̃ |
ڳَئُونَ ɠaū̃a |
ڳَئُون ɠaū̃ |
ڳَئُونِ ɠaūni |
cow | |||
IV | نَدِي nadī |
نَدِيءَ nadīa |
نَديُون nadyū̃ |
نَديُنِ nadyuni |
river |
A few nouns representing familial relations take irregular declensions with an extension in -r- in the plural. These are the masculine nouns ڀاءُ bhāu "brother", پِيءُ pīu "father", and the feminine nouns ڌِيءَ dhīa "daughter", نُونھَن nū̃hã "daughter-in-law", ڀيڻَ bheṇa "sister", ماءُ māu "mother", and جوءِ joi "wife". [1]
SG | PL | Gloss | |||||
---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
NOM | VOC | OBL | NOM | VOC | OBL | ||
M | ڀاءُ bhāu |
ڀائُرُ / ڀائُرَ bhāuru / bhāura |
ڀائُرَ / ڀائُرو bhāura / bhāuro |
ڀائُرَنِ / ڀائُنِ bhāurani / bhāuni |
brother | ||
F | ڌِيءَ / ڌِيءُ dhīa / dhīu |
ڌِيئَرُ / ڌِيئَرُون / ڌِيئُون dhīaru / dhīarū̃ / dhīū̃ |
ڌِيئَرُنِ / ڌِيئُنِ dhīaruni / dhīuni |
daughter |
Like other Indo-Aryan languages, Sindhi has first and second-person personal pronouns as well as several types of third-person proximal and distal demonstratives. These decline in the nominative and oblique cases. The genitive is a special form for the first and second-person singular, but formed as usual with the oblique and case marker جو jo for the rest. The personal pronouns are listed below. [2]
SG | PL | |||||
---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
1 | 2 | 1 | 2 | |||
NOM | مَان / آئُون mā̃ / āū̃ |
تُون tū̃ |
اَسِين asī̃ |
تَوِهِين tavhī̃ | ||
OBL | مُون mū̃ |
تو to |
اَسَان asā̃ |
تَوِهَان tavhā̃ | ||
GEN | مُنهِنجو mũhinjo |
تُنهِنجو tũhinjo |
— |
The third-person pronouns are listed below. Besides the unmarked demonstratives, there are also "specific" and "present" demonstratives. In the nominative singular, the demonstratives are marked for gender. Some other pronouns which decline identically to ڪو ko "someone" are هَرڪو har-ko "everyone", سَڀڪو sabh-ko "all of them", جيڪو je-ko "whoever" (relative), and تيڪو te-ko "that one" (correlative). [2]
Demonstrative | Interrogative | Relative | Correlative | |||||||||
---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
Unmarked | Specific | Present | Indefinite | |||||||||
PROX | DIST | PROX | DIST | PROX | DIST | |||||||
SG | NOM | M | هِي hī |
هُو hū |
اِهو iho |
اُهو uho |
اِجهو ijho |
اوجهو ojho |
ڪو ko |
ڪيرُ keru |
جو jo |
سو so |
F | هِيءَ hīa |
هُوءَ hūa |
اِهَا ihā |
اُهَا uhā |
اِجهَا ijhā |
اوجهَا ojhā |
ڪَا kā |
ڪيرَ kera |
جَا jā |
سَا sā | ||
OBL | هِنَ hina |
هُنَ huna |
اِنهين inhẽ |
اُنهين unhẽ |
— | ڪَنهِن kãhĩ |
جَنهِن jãhĩ |
تَنهِن tãhĩ | ||||
PL | NOM | هِي hī |
هُو hū |
اِهي ihe |
اُهي uhe |
اِجهي ijhe |
اوجهي ojhe |
ڪي ke |
ڪيرَ kera |
جي je |
سي se | |
OBL | هِنَنِ hinani |
هُنَنِ hunani |
اِنهَنِ inhani |
اُنهَنِ unhani |
— | ڪِنِ kini |
جِنِ jini |
تنِ tini |
Sindhi has a system of pronominal clitics, a feature shared with Saraiki and some dialects of Punjabi. However, pronominal clitics in Sindhi are much more widely used, marking both possessors, verbal arguments, and objects of postpositions and case markers. The pronominal suffixes can be grouped into four classes:
The forms of the pronominal suffixes in each class are given below. [3] Secondary variants are allomorphs which are used when another pronominal suffix is attached after. The Class IV suffixes are analysed by some linguists as part of the verb morphology.
SG | PL | |||||
---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
1 | 2 | 3 | 1 | 2 | 3 | |
I | مِ / مَان -mi / -mā̃ |
ءِ -i |
سِ -si |
∅ -∅ |
وَ -va |
نِ -ni |
II | يِن -ī̃ |
وُن -ū̃ | ||||
III | وُن -ū̃ | |||||
IV | سِ / سَان -si / -sā̃ |
∅ -∅ |
سِين / سُون -sī̃ / -sū̃ |
و -o |
∅ -∅ |
For example, one can use Class I pronominal suffixes to indicate possession:
mũhinj-o
1SG. GEN- M. SG
puṭu
son
my son
puṭu-mi
son- 1SG. OBL
my son
To say "I gave it to him", one can say any of:
mū̃
1SG. OBL
huna
3SG. OBL
khe
DAT
ɗin-o
give. PFV- M. SG
mū̃
1SG. OBL
khe-si
DAT- 3SG. OBL
ɗin-o
give. PFV- M. SG
khe-si
DAT- 3SG
ɗina-mi
give. PFV- 1SG. SUBJ
ɗino-mā̃-si
give. PFV- 1SG. SUBJ- 3SG. OBL
Note that in the last example, the subject is indicated with a Class II pronominal suffix (with the secondary variant due to another suffix following) and the recipient with a Class I suffix.
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Most nominal relations (e.g. the semantic role of a nominal as an argument to a verb) are indicated using postpositions, which follow a noun in the oblique case. The subject of the verb takes the bare oblique case, while the object may be in nominative case or in oblique case and followed by the accusative case marker کي khe. [4]
The postpositions are divided into case markers, which directly follow the noun, and complex postpositions, which combine with a case marker (usually the genitive جو jo).
The case markers are listed below. [4]: 399
The postpositions with the suffix -o decline in gender and number to agree with their governor, e.g. ڇوڪِرو جو پِيءُ chokiro j-o pīu "the boy's father" but ڇوڪِر جِي مَاءُ chokiro j-ī māu "the boy's mother".
Case | Marker | Example | English |
---|---|---|---|
Nominative | — | ڇوڪِرو chokiro |
the boy |
Accusative Dative |
کي khe |
ڇوڪِري کي chokire khe |
the boy to the boy |
Genitive | جو j-o |
ڇوڪِري جو chokire jo |
of the boy |
سَندو sand-o |
ڇوڪِري سَندو chokire sando | ||
Sociative | سُڌو sudh-o |
ڇوڪِري سُڌو chokire sudho |
along with the boy |
Comitative Instrumental |
سَان sā̃ |
ڇوڪِري سَان chokire sā̃ |
with the boy |
سَاڻُ sāṇu |
ڇوڪِري سَاڻُ chokire sāṇu | ||
Locative | ۾ mẽ |
ڇوڪِري ۾ chokire mẽ |
in the boy |
مَنجهِ manjhi |
ڇوڪِري مَنجهِ chokire manjhi | ||
Adessive | تي te |
ڇوڪِري تي chokire te |
on the boy |
وَٽِ vaṭi |
ڇوڪِري وَٽِ chokire vaṭi |
near the boy the boy has... | |
Orientative | ڏَانهَن ḍā̃hã |
ڇوڪِري ڏَانهَن chokire ḍā̃hã |
towards the boy |
Terminative | تَائيِن tāī̃ |
ڇوڪِري تَائيِن chokire tāī̃ |
up to the boy |
Benefactive | لاءِ lāi |
ڇوڪِري لاءِ chokire lāi |
for the boy |
Semblative | وَانگُرُ vānguru |
ڇوڪِري وَانگُرُ chokire vānguru |
like the boy |
جَهڙو jahṛ-o |
ڇوڪِري جَهڙو chokire jahṛo |
There are several ablative case markers formed from the spatial postpositions and the ablative ending -ā̃. These indicate complex motion such as "from inside of". [4]: 400
Marker | Example | English |
---|---|---|
کَان khā̃ |
ڇوڪِري کَان chokire khā̃ |
from the boy |
مَان mā̃ |
ڇوڪِري مَان chokire mā̃ |
from inside the boy |
تَان tā̃ |
ڇوڪِري تَان chokire tā̃ |
from upon the boy |
ڏَانهَان ḍā̃hā̃ |
ڇوڪِري ڏَانهَان chokire ḍā̃hā̃ |
from the direction of the boy |
Finally, some case markers are found in medieval Sindhi literature and/or modern poetic Sindhi, and otherwise not used in standard speech.
Case | Marker | Example | English |
---|---|---|---|
Accusative Adessive |
ڪَني kane |
ڇوڪِري ڪَني chokire kane |
to/near the boy |
The complex postpositions are formed with a case marker, usually the genitive but sometimes the ablative. Many are listed below. [4]: 405
Sindhi | Transliteration | Explanation |
---|---|---|
جي اَڳيَان | je aɠyā̃ | "ahead of, before"; apudessive |
جي اَندَرِ | je andari | "inside of"; inessive |
جي بَدِرَان | je badirā̃ | "instead of, in place of" |
جي بَرَابَر | je barābar | "equal to" |
جي ٻَاهَرَان | je ɓāharā̃ | "outside of" |
کَان ٻَاهَرِ | khā̃ ɓāhari | |
جي باري ۾ | je bāre mẽ | "about, concerning" |
جي چَوڌَارِي | je caudhārī | "around" |
جي هيٺَان | je heṭhā̃ | "below, under" |
جي ڪَري | je kare | "for, on account of" |
جي لَاءِ | je lāi | "for" |
جي مَٿَان | je mathā̃ | "above, on top of, upon" |
کَان پَري | khā̃ pare | "far from" |
جي پَارِ | je pāri | "across, on the other side of" |
جي پَاسي | je pāse | "on the side of, near" |
کَان پوءِ | khā̃ poi | "after" |
جي پُٺيَان | je puṭhyā̃ | "behind" |
جي سَامهون | je sāmhõ | "in front of, facing" |
کَان سِوَاءِ | khā̃ sivāi | "besides, apart from" |
جي وَاسطي | je vāste | "for the sake of, on account of" |
جي ويجهو | je vejho | "near"; adessive |
جي وِچِ ۾ | je vici mẽ | "between, among" |
جي خَاطِرِ | je xātiri | "for the sake of" |
جي خِلَافِ | je xilāfi | "against" |
جي ذَرِيعي | je zarī'e | "via, through"; perlative |
There are two morphological classes of verbs which have different conjugational paradigms: class I (mostly intransitive verb) and class II (transitive verbs). A few transitive verbs, such as اُگھ ugh "wipe" conjugate as class I. To represent the two verb classes, the stems ھَل hal- "to walk" and مار mār- "to hit" are used as examples.
Base | Polite | |||
---|---|---|---|---|
SG | PL | SG | PL | |
I | ھَلُ halu |
ھَلو halo |
ھَلِجِ haliji |
ھَلِجو halijo |
II | مَارِ māri |
مَاريو māryo |
مَارِجِ māriji |
مَارِجو mārijo |
SG | PL | |||||
---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
1 | 2 | 3 | 1 | 2 | 3 | |
I | ھَلان halā̃ |
ھَلِين halī̃ |
ھَلي hale |
ھَلُون halū̃ |
ھَلو halo |
ھَلَنِ halani |
II | مَاريان māryā̃ |
مَارِين mārī̃ |
مَاري māre |
مَاريُون māryū̃ |
مَاريو māryo |
مَارِنِ / مَارِينِ mārini / mārīni |
SG | PL | ||||||
---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
1 | 2 | 3 | 1 | 2 | 3 | ||
I | M | ھَليُسِ halyusi |
ھَليين halyẽ |
ھَليو halyo |
هَليَاسِين halyāsī̃ |
ھَليَا / ھَليَائو halyā / halyāo |
ھَليَا halyā |
F | ھَليَسِ halyasi |
ھَلِيئَن halīã |
ھَلِي halī |
هَليُونسِين halyū̃sī̃ |
هَليُون halyū̃ | ||
II | M | — | مَاريو māryo |
— | مَاريَا māryā | ||
F | مَارِي mārī |
مَاريُون māryū̃ |
SG | PL | ||||||
---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
1 | 2 | 3 | 1 | 2 | 3 | ||
I | M | ھَلَندُسِ halandusi |
ھَلَندين halandẽ |
ھَلَندو halando |
ھَلَندَاسِين halandāsī̃ |
ھَلَندَا / ھَلَندَائو halandā / halandāo |
ھَلَندَا halandā |
F | ھَلَنديَسِ halandyasi |
ھَلَندِيئَن halandīã |
ھَلَندِي halandī |
ھَلَنديُونسِين halandyū̃sī̃ |
ھَلَنديُون halandyū̃ | ||
II | M | مَارِندُسِ mārindusi |
مَارِندين mārindẽ |
مَارِندو mārindo |
مَارِندَاسِين mārindāsī̃ |
مَارِندَا / مَارِندَائو mārindā / mārindāo |
مَارِندَا mārindā |
F | مَارِنديَسِ mārindyasi |
مَارِندِيئَن mārindīã |
مَارِندِي mārindī |
مَارِنديُونسِين mārindyū̃sī̃ |
مَارِنديُون mārindyū̃ |