While neoliberalism was a politically inconsequential force for decades after its inception in the late 1930s, following a succession of economic downturns and crises in the 1970s it would finally see political ascendancy. Yet, the early ideas of those associated with the Mont Pelerin Society seeking an alternative to both laissez-faire economics and to social democracy and central planning had largely given way to a strict belief in market liberalization and a nearly unwavering opposition to state interference in the economy.
achieving only measured success with the ordoliberals in Germany, who maintained the need for strong state influence in the economy.
One of the earliest and most influential turns to neoliberal reform occurred in Chile following an economic crisis in the early 1970s. After years of socialist economic policies under president Salvador Allende, a 1973 coup d'état establishing a military junta under dictator Augusto Pinochet led to the implementation of a number of sweeping neoliberal economic reforms that had been proposed by the Chicago Boys, a group of Chilean economists educated under Milton Friedman. This "neoliberal project" served as the "first experiment with neoliberal state formation" and provided an example for neoliberal reforms elsewhere. [1]: 7 Not long after, the Reagan administration and Thatcher government brought a significant turn to neoliberalism in the United States and United Kingdom. Following a decade of chronic stagflation in the 1970s, Reagan and Thatcher initiated a turn to neoliberal policies that would dominate American and British politics until the 2008 financial crisis. [2] Following British and American reform, neoliberal policies were exported abroad, with countries in Latin America, the Asia-Pacific, the Middle East, and even communist China implementing significant neoliberal reform. Additionally, the International Monetary Fund and World Bank encouraged neoliberal reforms in many developing countries by placing reform requirements on loans, in a process known as structural adjustment. [1]: 29
The reasons for the sudden turn to a decades-old ideology in the 1970s and 80s are debated. Historians of neoliberalism Angus Burgin and Daniel Stedman Jones have both argued that the development of a transatlantic network of neoliberal academics and organizations after World War II, as well as its alignment with conservative movements, was a primary cause. Few free market advocacy groups had existed in the immediate postwar years and earlier efforts like the Walter Lippmann Colloquium had floundered. But in the post-war years an extensive apparatus of think tanks, university economics departments, and journalists arose refining and promoting neoliberal ideas. This, they say, poised neoliberal ideas for ascendancy when the legitimacy of the Keynesian economic consensus that had reigned supreme since the Great Depression was damaged by economic crises in the 1970s. Burgin, for instance, has said that "organizations like the Mont Pelerin Society...laid the groundwork for an era in which market advocates reframed and recaptured control over a broad range of public debates. Their members and beneficiaries went on to transform the economics profession, shift the parameters of journalistic analysis, guide a new generation of politicians, and establish an array of think tanks that reshaped the process of policy formation." [3] Both also emphasize the influence of academics like Friedrich Hayek and Milton Friedman (both Nobel Prize-winning economist)—noting in particular the immense influence Friedman had on spreading neoliberal thinking to a popular audience. [4] Stedman Jones, in particular, places emphasis on the development of monetarism by Milton Friedman, which he says offered solutions to the stagflation plaguing the United States and United Kingdom in the 1970s and which bolstered the legitimacy of other neoliberal ideas advocated by Friedman and his intellectual allies. Marxist critics like David Harvey, on the other hand, have suggested that .
The Great Depression of the 1930s, which severely decreased economic output throughout the world and produced high unemployment and widespread poverty, was widely regarded as a failure of economic liberalism. [6] To renew the damaged ideology, a group of 25 liberal intellectuals, including a number of prominent academics and journalists like Walter Lippmann, Friedrich Hayek, Ludwig von Mises, Wilhelm Röpke, Alexander Rüstow, and Louis Rougier, organized the Walter Lippmann Colloquium, named in honor of Lippman to celebrate the publication of the French translation of Lippmann’s book An Inquiry into the Principles of the Good Society. [7] Meeting in Paris in August 1938, they called for a new liberal project dubbed "neoliberalism". [8]: 18–19 They further agreed to develop the Colloquium into a permanent think tank based in Paris called the Centre International d'Études pour la Rénovation du Libéralisme.
While most agreed that the status quo liberalism promoting laissez-faire economics had failed, deep disagreements arose around the proper role of the state. A group of "true (third way) neoliberals" centered around Rüstow and Lippmann advocated for strong state supervision of the economy while a group of old school liberals centered around Mises and Hayek continued to insist that the only legitimate role for the state was to abolish barriers to market entry. Rüstow wrote that Hayek and Mises were relics of the liberalism that caused the Great Depression while Mises denounced the other faction, complaining that ordoliberalism really meant "ordo-interventionism". [8]: 19–20
Often divided in opinion and short on funding, the Colloquium was mostly ineffectual; related attempts to further neoliberal ideas, such as the effort by Colloque-attendee Wilhelm Röpke to establish a journal of neoliberal ideas, mostly floundered. [7] Fatefully, the efforts of the Colloquium would be overwhelmed by the outbreak of World War II and were largely forgotten. [9] However, the Colloquium did serve as the precursor to the Mont Pelerin Society, a far more successful effort created after the war by many of those who had been present at the Colloquium. [2]
Neoliberalism began accelerating in importance with the establishment of the Mont Pelerin Society, which became a "kind of international 'who's who' of the classical liberal and neo-liberal intellectuals". [10] Led by Austrian economist Friedrich Hayek, the founding in 1947 brought together thirty-nine academics, journalists, and businessmen supportive of liberalism and capitalism, including many of those who had been present at the Walter Lippmann Colloquium like Ludwig von Mises and Wilhelm Röpke, as well as a number of new academics (with a notably increased presence of Americans) like Milton Friedman, Karl Popper, George Stigler, and Frank Knight. Believing that classical liberalism had failed because of crippling conceptual flaws which could only be diagnosed and rectified by withdrawing into an intensive discussion group of similarly minded intellectuals, [11]: 16 they met at the base of Mont Pèlerin in Vevey, Switzerland to renew the task first set forth at the Walter Lippmann Colloquium to develop a "new" liberalism that offered an alternative to, on the one hand, the laissez-faire economic consensus that had collapsed with the Great Depression and, on the other, New Deal liberalism and British social democracy, collectivist trends they believed posed a threat to individual freedom. [2] [12]
Founded at time when central planning was in the ascendancy, the Soviet Union was advancing communism, and fascism, totalitarianism, and world war were all in recent memory, the group displayed an immense sense of urgency towards the need to construct a convincing liberal project, evident in their statement of aims, which reads in part:
"The central values of civilization are in danger. Over large stretches of the Earth’s surface the essential conditions of human dignity and freedom have already disappeared. In others, they are under constant menace from the development of current tendencies of policy. The position of the individual and the voluntary group are progressively undermined by extensions of arbitrary power. Even that most precious possession of Western Man, freedom of thought and expression, is threatened by the spread of creeds which, claiming the privilege of tolerance when in the position of a minority, seek only to establish a position of power in which they can suppress and obliterate all views but their own...The group holds that these developments...have been fostered by a decline of belief in private property and the competitive market...[This group's] object is solely, by facilitating the exchange of views among minds inspired by certain ideals and broad conceptions held in common, to contribute to the preservation and improvement of the free society." [13]
While differences of opinion abounded, [14] they agreed to a rejection of totalitarianism, a defense of the market mechanism, and a connection between economic freedom and "intellectual freedom". [15] Hayek's original desire for the society to construct a cohesive positive ideology never fully came to fruition, but many members of the society did become highly influential both academically and in the public sphere.
While the ideas of the burgeoning neoliberal movement heralded by the formation of the Mont Pelerin Society would remain largely on the fringes of political policy for decades, the philosophical, political, and economic tenets of neoliberalism were spread and formulated in greater detail in the years leading up to neoliberalism's eventual political ascendancy in the 1970s. Over this period there was a surge of academic research published by figures associated with neoliberalism, especially by the economists Milton Friedman, George Stigler, Friedrich Hayek, Ludwig von Mises, Gary Becker, James Buchanan, and Gordon Tullock. This led to significant developments in rational choice theory, public choice theory, and theories of regulatory capture, and extended the domains of economic principles into new spaces, including international aid, development policies, and sociology.(Masters-127) Neoliberal figures were also successful in popularizing neoliberal ideas, with books like Friedrich Hayek's The Road to Serfdom and Milton Friedman's Capitalism and Freedom publishing millions of copies.(Masters-153) Altogether, this helped to cultivate the view of neoliberalism as an alternative to the social democracy that had prevailed in the United States and United Kingdom for decades.(153)
Over this period there was also a proliferation of think tanks promoting neoliberal ideas; these institutions expressed a far greater willingness to advance neoliberalism politically than the more philosophically-oriented Mont Pelerin Society, [16] Notable think tanks included the American Enterprise Institute, the Foundation for Economic Education, the Heritage Foundation, the Cato Institute, and the Adam Smith Institute. There was also a significant expansion of neoliberal ideas among journalists and in university economics departments, further contributing to the spread of neoliberal ideology. The University of Chicago would become especially important, as it housed of an influential group of economists promoting free market ideas known as the Chicago School. Chicago economist Milton Friedman became particularly influential over this period—economist Eamonn Butler, for instance, has said that Friedman deserves much of the credit for the political shift to neoliberalism in the United States. [2]: 210–211 Friedman both contributed significantly to professional economics research (gaining him the Nobel Prize in Economics in 1976) and popularized free market ideology through his public speaking, television programs, and influential books.
Neoliberal thought went through significant ideological shifts over this period. Early neoliberal ideas had sought to chart a middle way between the trend of increasing government intervention implemented after the Great Depression and the laissez-faire economics many believed had produced the Great Depression. Milton Friedman, for instance, had written in 1951 that "Neo-liberalism would accept the nineteenth-century liberal emphasis on the fundamental importance of the individual, but it would substitute for the nineteenth century goal of laissez-faire as a means to this end, the goal of the competitive order", which requires limited state intervention to "police the system, establish conditions favorable to competition and prevent monopoly, provide a stable monetary framework, and relieve acute misery and distress". [17] By the 1970s, however, Friedman and other thinkers linked to neoliberalism focused almost exclusively on market liberalization and were adamant in their opposition to nearly all forms of state interference in the economy. [2]
Neoliberalism or neo-liberalism [18] is the 20th-century resurgence of 19th-century ideas associated with laissez-faire economic liberalism and free market capitalism. [19]: 7 [20] It is generally associated with policies of economic liberalization including privatization, deregulation, globalization, free trade, austerity, [21] and reductions in government spending in order to increase the role of the private sector in the economy and society; [29] however, the defining features of neoliberalism in both thought and practice have been the subject of substantial scholarly debate. [30] [31] Neoliberalism constituted a paradigm shift away from the post-war Keynesian consensus which had lasted from 1945 to 1980. [32] [33]
The definition and usage of the term has changed over time, [23] employed first at the start of the 20th century and taking on in its current meaning in the 1970s and 1980s. It first emerged as an economic philosophy following the Great Depression among European liberal scholars as they attempted to revive and renew central ideas from classical liberalism. Motivated both by a concern over the ascendancy of centralized economic planning and a desire to avoid repeating the economic failures of the Great Depression, which many blamed on laissez-faire economics, [11]: 14–15 a number of liberal scholars, including ..., attempted to outline a new liberal order that rejected both collectivism and laissez-faire economics. Fundamental to this effort was the Colloque Walter Lippmann and the Mont Pelerin Society. In the decades that followed, the use of the term "neoliberal" tended to refer to theories that diverged from the more laissez-faire doctrine of classical liberalism and which promoted instead a social market economy.
Neoliberalism took on its modern meaning in the 1970s and 1980s, when scholars began to associate the term with the strongly pro-free market economic theories of Friedrich Hayek, Ludwig von Mises, Milton Friedman, and James M. Buchanan, along with the policies of politicians and policy-makers like Margaret Thatcher, Ronald Reagan and Alan Greenspan. [23] [34] In the 1980s, the term entered into common use among Spanish scholars in connection with Chilean dictator Augusto Pinochet's free-market economic reforms, attaching to it a number of negative connotations associated with the dictatorship. As a result, the term was increasingly employed by critics of market reform and laissez-faire capitalism. [35] [36] [37] The term later migrated into English-language scholarship, [23] and 1994, with the passage of NAFTA and with the Zapatistas' reaction to this development in Chiapas, the term entered global circulation. [22]
As neoliberal economic reforms spread worldwide, the term has mutated into geopolitically distinct hybrids. [38] [39] [22] As such, neoliberalism shares many attributes with other concepts that have contested meanings, including democracy. [40]
harvey1
was invoked but never defined (see the
help page).Masters
was invoked but never defined (see the
help page).Handbook2
was invoked but never defined (see the
help page).'Neoliberalism' is very much a critics' term: it is virtually never used by those whom the critics describe as neoliberals.
Friedman and Hayek are identified as the original thinkers and Thatcher and Reagan as the archetypal politicians of Western neoliberalism. Neoliberalism here has a pejorative connotation.
Neoliberalism is a slippery concept, meaning different things to different people. Scholars have examined the relationships between neoliberalism and a vast array of conceptual categories.
Colin Talbot, a professor at Manchester University, recently wrote it was such a broad term as to be meaningless and few people ever admitted to being neoliberals
Neoliberalism shares many attributes with "essentially contested" concepts such as democracy, whose multidimensional nature, strong normative connotations, and openness to modification over time tend to generate substantial debate over their meaning and proper application.
While neoliberalism was a politically inconsequential force for decades after its inception in the late 1930s, following a succession of economic downturns and crises in the 1970s it would finally see political ascendancy. Yet, the early ideas of those associated with the Mont Pelerin Society seeking an alternative to both laissez-faire economics and to social democracy and central planning had largely given way to a strict belief in market liberalization and a nearly unwavering opposition to state interference in the economy.
achieving only measured success with the ordoliberals in Germany, who maintained the need for strong state influence in the economy.
One of the earliest and most influential turns to neoliberal reform occurred in Chile following an economic crisis in the early 1970s. After years of socialist economic policies under president Salvador Allende, a 1973 coup d'état establishing a military junta under dictator Augusto Pinochet led to the implementation of a number of sweeping neoliberal economic reforms that had been proposed by the Chicago Boys, a group of Chilean economists educated under Milton Friedman. This "neoliberal project" served as the "first experiment with neoliberal state formation" and provided an example for neoliberal reforms elsewhere. [1]: 7 Not long after, the Reagan administration and Thatcher government brought a significant turn to neoliberalism in the United States and United Kingdom. Following a decade of chronic stagflation in the 1970s, Reagan and Thatcher initiated a turn to neoliberal policies that would dominate American and British politics until the 2008 financial crisis. [2] Following British and American reform, neoliberal policies were exported abroad, with countries in Latin America, the Asia-Pacific, the Middle East, and even communist China implementing significant neoliberal reform. Additionally, the International Monetary Fund and World Bank encouraged neoliberal reforms in many developing countries by placing reform requirements on loans, in a process known as structural adjustment. [1]: 29
The reasons for the sudden turn to a decades-old ideology in the 1970s and 80s are debated. Historians of neoliberalism Angus Burgin and Daniel Stedman Jones have both argued that the development of a transatlantic network of neoliberal academics and organizations after World War II, as well as its alignment with conservative movements, was a primary cause. Few free market advocacy groups had existed in the immediate postwar years and earlier efforts like the Walter Lippmann Colloquium had floundered. But in the post-war years an extensive apparatus of think tanks, university economics departments, and journalists arose refining and promoting neoliberal ideas. This, they say, poised neoliberal ideas for ascendancy when the legitimacy of the Keynesian economic consensus that had reigned supreme since the Great Depression was damaged by economic crises in the 1970s. Burgin, for instance, has said that "organizations like the Mont Pelerin Society...laid the groundwork for an era in which market advocates reframed and recaptured control over a broad range of public debates. Their members and beneficiaries went on to transform the economics profession, shift the parameters of journalistic analysis, guide a new generation of politicians, and establish an array of think tanks that reshaped the process of policy formation." [3] Both also emphasize the influence of academics like Friedrich Hayek and Milton Friedman (both Nobel Prize-winning economist)—noting in particular the immense influence Friedman had on spreading neoliberal thinking to a popular audience. [4] Stedman Jones, in particular, places emphasis on the development of monetarism by Milton Friedman, which he says offered solutions to the stagflation plaguing the United States and United Kingdom in the 1970s and which bolstered the legitimacy of other neoliberal ideas advocated by Friedman and his intellectual allies. Marxist critics like David Harvey, on the other hand, have suggested that .
The Great Depression of the 1930s, which severely decreased economic output throughout the world and produced high unemployment and widespread poverty, was widely regarded as a failure of economic liberalism. [6] To renew the damaged ideology, a group of 25 liberal intellectuals, including a number of prominent academics and journalists like Walter Lippmann, Friedrich Hayek, Ludwig von Mises, Wilhelm Röpke, Alexander Rüstow, and Louis Rougier, organized the Walter Lippmann Colloquium, named in honor of Lippman to celebrate the publication of the French translation of Lippmann’s book An Inquiry into the Principles of the Good Society. [7] Meeting in Paris in August 1938, they called for a new liberal project dubbed "neoliberalism". [8]: 18–19 They further agreed to develop the Colloquium into a permanent think tank based in Paris called the Centre International d'Études pour la Rénovation du Libéralisme.
While most agreed that the status quo liberalism promoting laissez-faire economics had failed, deep disagreements arose around the proper role of the state. A group of "true (third way) neoliberals" centered around Rüstow and Lippmann advocated for strong state supervision of the economy while a group of old school liberals centered around Mises and Hayek continued to insist that the only legitimate role for the state was to abolish barriers to market entry. Rüstow wrote that Hayek and Mises were relics of the liberalism that caused the Great Depression while Mises denounced the other faction, complaining that ordoliberalism really meant "ordo-interventionism". [8]: 19–20
Often divided in opinion and short on funding, the Colloquium was mostly ineffectual; related attempts to further neoliberal ideas, such as the effort by Colloque-attendee Wilhelm Röpke to establish a journal of neoliberal ideas, mostly floundered. [7] Fatefully, the efforts of the Colloquium would be overwhelmed by the outbreak of World War II and were largely forgotten. [9] However, the Colloquium did serve as the precursor to the Mont Pelerin Society, a far more successful effort created after the war by many of those who had been present at the Colloquium. [2]
Neoliberalism began accelerating in importance with the establishment of the Mont Pelerin Society, which became a "kind of international 'who's who' of the classical liberal and neo-liberal intellectuals". [10] Led by Austrian economist Friedrich Hayek, the founding in 1947 brought together thirty-nine academics, journalists, and businessmen supportive of liberalism and capitalism, including many of those who had been present at the Walter Lippmann Colloquium like Ludwig von Mises and Wilhelm Röpke, as well as a number of new academics (with a notably increased presence of Americans) like Milton Friedman, Karl Popper, George Stigler, and Frank Knight. Believing that classical liberalism had failed because of crippling conceptual flaws which could only be diagnosed and rectified by withdrawing into an intensive discussion group of similarly minded intellectuals, [11]: 16 they met at the base of Mont Pèlerin in Vevey, Switzerland to renew the task first set forth at the Walter Lippmann Colloquium to develop a "new" liberalism that offered an alternative to, on the one hand, the laissez-faire economic consensus that had collapsed with the Great Depression and, on the other, New Deal liberalism and British social democracy, collectivist trends they believed posed a threat to individual freedom. [2] [12]
Founded at time when central planning was in the ascendancy, the Soviet Union was advancing communism, and fascism, totalitarianism, and world war were all in recent memory, the group displayed an immense sense of urgency towards the need to construct a convincing liberal project, evident in their statement of aims, which reads in part:
"The central values of civilization are in danger. Over large stretches of the Earth’s surface the essential conditions of human dignity and freedom have already disappeared. In others, they are under constant menace from the development of current tendencies of policy. The position of the individual and the voluntary group are progressively undermined by extensions of arbitrary power. Even that most precious possession of Western Man, freedom of thought and expression, is threatened by the spread of creeds which, claiming the privilege of tolerance when in the position of a minority, seek only to establish a position of power in which they can suppress and obliterate all views but their own...The group holds that these developments...have been fostered by a decline of belief in private property and the competitive market...[This group's] object is solely, by facilitating the exchange of views among minds inspired by certain ideals and broad conceptions held in common, to contribute to the preservation and improvement of the free society." [13]
While differences of opinion abounded, [14] they agreed to a rejection of totalitarianism, a defense of the market mechanism, and a connection between economic freedom and "intellectual freedom". [15] Hayek's original desire for the society to construct a cohesive positive ideology never fully came to fruition, but many members of the society did become highly influential both academically and in the public sphere.
While the ideas of the burgeoning neoliberal movement heralded by the formation of the Mont Pelerin Society would remain largely on the fringes of political policy for decades, the philosophical, political, and economic tenets of neoliberalism were spread and formulated in greater detail in the years leading up to neoliberalism's eventual political ascendancy in the 1970s. Over this period there was a surge of academic research published by figures associated with neoliberalism, especially by the economists Milton Friedman, George Stigler, Friedrich Hayek, Ludwig von Mises, Gary Becker, James Buchanan, and Gordon Tullock. This led to significant developments in rational choice theory, public choice theory, and theories of regulatory capture, and extended the domains of economic principles into new spaces, including international aid, development policies, and sociology.(Masters-127) Neoliberal figures were also successful in popularizing neoliberal ideas, with books like Friedrich Hayek's The Road to Serfdom and Milton Friedman's Capitalism and Freedom publishing millions of copies.(Masters-153) Altogether, this helped to cultivate the view of neoliberalism as an alternative to the social democracy that had prevailed in the United States and United Kingdom for decades.(153)
Over this period there was also a proliferation of think tanks promoting neoliberal ideas; these institutions expressed a far greater willingness to advance neoliberalism politically than the more philosophically-oriented Mont Pelerin Society, [16] Notable think tanks included the American Enterprise Institute, the Foundation for Economic Education, the Heritage Foundation, the Cato Institute, and the Adam Smith Institute. There was also a significant expansion of neoliberal ideas among journalists and in university economics departments, further contributing to the spread of neoliberal ideology. The University of Chicago would become especially important, as it housed of an influential group of economists promoting free market ideas known as the Chicago School. Chicago economist Milton Friedman became particularly influential over this period—economist Eamonn Butler, for instance, has said that Friedman deserves much of the credit for the political shift to neoliberalism in the United States. [2]: 210–211 Friedman both contributed significantly to professional economics research (gaining him the Nobel Prize in Economics in 1976) and popularized free market ideology through his public speaking, television programs, and influential books.
Neoliberal thought went through significant ideological shifts over this period. Early neoliberal ideas had sought to chart a middle way between the trend of increasing government intervention implemented after the Great Depression and the laissez-faire economics many believed had produced the Great Depression. Milton Friedman, for instance, had written in 1951 that "Neo-liberalism would accept the nineteenth-century liberal emphasis on the fundamental importance of the individual, but it would substitute for the nineteenth century goal of laissez-faire as a means to this end, the goal of the competitive order", which requires limited state intervention to "police the system, establish conditions favorable to competition and prevent monopoly, provide a stable monetary framework, and relieve acute misery and distress". [17] By the 1970s, however, Friedman and other thinkers linked to neoliberalism focused almost exclusively on market liberalization and were adamant in their opposition to nearly all forms of state interference in the economy. [2]
Neoliberalism or neo-liberalism [18] is the 20th-century resurgence of 19th-century ideas associated with laissez-faire economic liberalism and free market capitalism. [19]: 7 [20] It is generally associated with policies of economic liberalization including privatization, deregulation, globalization, free trade, austerity, [21] and reductions in government spending in order to increase the role of the private sector in the economy and society; [29] however, the defining features of neoliberalism in both thought and practice have been the subject of substantial scholarly debate. [30] [31] Neoliberalism constituted a paradigm shift away from the post-war Keynesian consensus which had lasted from 1945 to 1980. [32] [33]
The definition and usage of the term has changed over time, [23] employed first at the start of the 20th century and taking on in its current meaning in the 1970s and 1980s. It first emerged as an economic philosophy following the Great Depression among European liberal scholars as they attempted to revive and renew central ideas from classical liberalism. Motivated both by a concern over the ascendancy of centralized economic planning and a desire to avoid repeating the economic failures of the Great Depression, which many blamed on laissez-faire economics, [11]: 14–15 a number of liberal scholars, including ..., attempted to outline a new liberal order that rejected both collectivism and laissez-faire economics. Fundamental to this effort was the Colloque Walter Lippmann and the Mont Pelerin Society. In the decades that followed, the use of the term "neoliberal" tended to refer to theories that diverged from the more laissez-faire doctrine of classical liberalism and which promoted instead a social market economy.
Neoliberalism took on its modern meaning in the 1970s and 1980s, when scholars began to associate the term with the strongly pro-free market economic theories of Friedrich Hayek, Ludwig von Mises, Milton Friedman, and James M. Buchanan, along with the policies of politicians and policy-makers like Margaret Thatcher, Ronald Reagan and Alan Greenspan. [23] [34] In the 1980s, the term entered into common use among Spanish scholars in connection with Chilean dictator Augusto Pinochet's free-market economic reforms, attaching to it a number of negative connotations associated with the dictatorship. As a result, the term was increasingly employed by critics of market reform and laissez-faire capitalism. [35] [36] [37] The term later migrated into English-language scholarship, [23] and 1994, with the passage of NAFTA and with the Zapatistas' reaction to this development in Chiapas, the term entered global circulation. [22]
As neoliberal economic reforms spread worldwide, the term has mutated into geopolitically distinct hybrids. [38] [39] [22] As such, neoliberalism shares many attributes with other concepts that have contested meanings, including democracy. [40]
harvey1
was invoked but never defined (see the
help page).Masters
was invoked but never defined (see the
help page).Handbook2
was invoked but never defined (see the
help page).'Neoliberalism' is very much a critics' term: it is virtually never used by those whom the critics describe as neoliberals.
Friedman and Hayek are identified as the original thinkers and Thatcher and Reagan as the archetypal politicians of Western neoliberalism. Neoliberalism here has a pejorative connotation.
Neoliberalism is a slippery concept, meaning different things to different people. Scholars have examined the relationships between neoliberalism and a vast array of conceptual categories.
Colin Talbot, a professor at Manchester University, recently wrote it was such a broad term as to be meaningless and few people ever admitted to being neoliberals
Neoliberalism shares many attributes with "essentially contested" concepts such as democracy, whose multidimensional nature, strong normative connotations, and openness to modification over time tend to generate substantial debate over their meaning and proper application.