Major changes included:
Grassmann's law was a process of dissimilation in words containing multiple aspirates. It caused an initial aspirated sound to lose its aspiration when a following aspirated consonant occurred in the same word. It was a relatively late change in Proto-Greek history, and must have occurred independently [4] of the similar dissimilation of aspirates (also known as Grassmann's law) in Indo-Iranian, although it may represent a common areal feature. The change may have even been post-Mycenaean. [3][ why?]
Greek is unique among Indo-European languages in reflecting the three different laryngeals with distinct vowels. Most Indo-European languages can be traced back to a dialectal variety of late Proto-Indo-European (PIE) in which all three laryngeals had merged (after colouring adjacent short /e/ vowels), but Greek clearly cannot. For that reason, Greek is extremely important in reconstructing PIE forms.
Greek shows distinct reflexes of the laryngeals in various positions:
Proto-Indo-European | Greek | Vedic Sanskrit | Latin |
---|---|---|---|
*dʰh₁s- "sacred, religious" | θέσφατος (thésphatos) "decreed by God" | धिष्ण्य (dhíṣṇya-) "devout" | fānum "temple" < *fasnom < *dʰh̥₁s-no- |
*sth₂-to- "standing, being made to stand" | στατός (statós) | स्थित (sthíta-) | status |
*dh₃-ti- "gift" | δόσις (dósis) | दिति (díti-) | datiō |
All of the cases may stem from an early insertion of /e/ next to a laryngeal not adjacent to a vowel in the Indo-European dialect ancestral to Greek (subsequently coloured to /e/, /a/, /o/ by the particular laryngeal in question) prior to the general merger of laryngeals:
A laryngeal adjacent to a vowel develops along the same lines as other Indo-European languages:
Consonants followed by consonantal *y were palatalized, producing various affricate consonants (still represented as a separate sound in Mycenaean) and geminated palatal consonants. [3] Any aspiration was lost in the process. The palatalized consonants later simplified, mostly losing their palatal character. Palatalization occurred in two separate stages. The first stage affected only dental consonants, and the second stage affected all consonants.
The first palatalization caused dentals + *y to ultimately become alveolar affricates: [5]
Before | After |
---|---|
*ty, *tʰy | *ts |
*dy | *dz |
The affricate derived from the first palatalization of *ty and *tʰy merged with the outcome of the inherited clusters *ts, *ds and *tʰs, all becoming *ts. [6]
After the first palatalization changed *ty and *tʰy into *ts, the consonant *y was restored after original *t or *tʰ in morphologically transparent formations. [7] The initial outcome of restoration may have been simply *ty and *tʰy, or alternatively, restoration may have yielded an affricate followed by a glide, *tˢy, in the case of both original *t and original *tʰ. [7] Either way, restored *t(ʰ)y would go on to merge via the second palatalization with the reflex of *k(ʰ)y, resulting in a distinct outcome from the *ts derived from the first palatalization. [7] There may also have been restoration of *y after original *d in the same circumstances, but if so, it apparently merged with the *dz that resulted from the first palatalization before leaving any visible trace. [7]
However, restoration is not evident in Mycenaean Greek, where the reflex of original *t(ʰ)y (which became a consonant transcribed as ⟨s⟩) is consistently written differently from the reflex of original *k(ʰ)y (which became a consonant transcribed as ⟨z⟩ via the second palatalization). [7]
The second palatalization affected all consonants. It took place following the resolution of syllabic laryngeals and sonorants, and prior to Grassmann's law.
The following table, based on American linguist Andrew Sihler, [8] shows the outcomes of the second palatalization.
Before | After |
---|---|
*py, *pʰy | *pť |
*ty, *tʰy (*tsy) | *ťť |
*ky, *kʰy | |
*kʷy, *kʷʰy | |
(*dzy) | *ďď |
*gy | |
*gʷy | |
*ly | *ľľ |
*my, *ny | *ňň |
*ry | *řř |
*sy > *hy | *yy |
*wy | *ɥɥ > *yy |
Sihler reconstructs the palatalized stops (shown in the above table as *ť *ď) with a degree of assibilation and transcribes them as *č *ǰ. [8]
The resulting palatal consonants and clusters of Proto-Greek were resolved in varying ways prior to the historical period. Most notably, *ň and *ř were resolved into plain sonorants plus a palatal on-glide, which eventually turned the preceding vowel into a diphthong.
Proto-Greek | Attic | Homeric | West Ionic | Other Ionic | Boeotian | Arcado- Cypriot |
Other |
---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
*pť | pt | ||||||
*ts | s | s, ss | s | tt | ss | ||
*ťť | tt | ss | tt | ss | tt | ss | |
*dz, *ďď | zd | ||||||
*ľľ | ll | il | ll | ||||
*ňň | in (but *uňň > ūn) | ||||||
*řř | ir (but *uřř > ūr) | ||||||
*yy | i |
The restoration of *y after original *t or *tʰ (resulting in *ťť) occurred only in morphologically transparent formations, by analogy with similar formations in which *y was preceded by other consonants. [7] In formations that were morphologically opaque, the restoration did not take place and the *ts that resulted from the first palatalization of *ty and *tʰy remained. Hence, depending on the type of formation, the pre-Proto-Greek sequences *ty and *tʰy have different outcomes in the later languages. In particular, medial *t(ʰ)y becomes Attic s in opaque formations but tt in transparent formations. [7]
The outcome of PG medial *ts in Homeric Greek is s after a long vowel, and vacillation between s and ss after a short vowel: tátēsi dat. pl. "rug" < tátēt-, possí(n)/posí(n) dat. pl. "foot" < pod-. This was useful for the composer of the Iliad and Odyssey, since possí with double s scans as long-short, while posí with single s scans as short-short. Thus the writer could use each form in different positions in a line.
Examples of initial *ts:
Examples of medial *ts (morphologically opaque forms, first palatalization only):
Examples of medial *ťť (morphologically transparent forms, first and second palatalization):
For words with original *dy, no distinction is found in any historically attested form of Greek between the outcomes of the first and second palatalizations, and so there is no visible evidence of an opposition between *dz and a secondary restored cluster *dzy > *ďď. However, it is reasonable to think that words with *dy originally underwent parallel treatment to words with original *ty and *tʰy. [10] The reflex of *dy also merged with the reflex of *g(ʷ)y, with one of the two word-initial reflexes of PIE *y-, and with original *sd, as in PIE *h₃esdos/osdos > όζος 'branch' or PIE *si-sd- > ἵζω 'take a seat'. [11] The merger with *sd was probably post-Mycenaean, but occurred before the introduction of the Greek alphabet. [12]
![]() | This section needs expansion with: Proto-Greek reconstructed forms. You can help by
adding to it. (August 2022) |
In Proto-Greek, Cowgill's law [13] says that a former /o/ vowel becomes /u/ between a resonant (/r/, /l/, /m/, /n/) and a labial consonant (including labiovelars), in either order.
Examples:
Note that when a labiovelar adjoins an /o/ affected by Cowgill's law, the new /u/ will cause the labiovelar to lose its labial component (as in Greek: núks and Greek: ónuks/ónukh-, where the usual Greek change */kʷ/ > /p/ has not occurred).
Proto-Greek retained the Indo-European pitch accent, but developed a number of rules governing it: [14]
Sound changes that postdate Proto-Greek, but predate the attested dialects, including Mycenaean Greek, include:
The following changes are apparently post-Mycenaean because early stages are represented in Linear B:
Note that /w/ and /j/, when following a vowel and not preceding a vowel, combined early on with the vowel to form a diphthong and so were not lost.
Loss of /h/ and /w/ after a consonant was often accompanied by compensatory lengthening of a preceding vowel.
The results of vowel contraction were complex from dialect to dialect. Such contractions occur in the inflection of a number of different noun and verb classes and are among the most difficult aspects of Ancient Greek grammar. They were particularly important in the large class of contracted verbs, denominative verbs formed from nouns and adjectives ending in a vowel. (In fact, the reflex of contracted verbs in Modern Greek, the set of verbs derived from Ancient Greek contracted verbs, represents one of the two main classes of verbs in that language.)
The development of labiovelars varies from dialect to dialect:
Major changes included:
Grassmann's law was a process of dissimilation in words containing multiple aspirates. It caused an initial aspirated sound to lose its aspiration when a following aspirated consonant occurred in the same word. It was a relatively late change in Proto-Greek history, and must have occurred independently [4] of the similar dissimilation of aspirates (also known as Grassmann's law) in Indo-Iranian, although it may represent a common areal feature. The change may have even been post-Mycenaean. [3][ why?]
Greek is unique among Indo-European languages in reflecting the three different laryngeals with distinct vowels. Most Indo-European languages can be traced back to a dialectal variety of late Proto-Indo-European (PIE) in which all three laryngeals had merged (after colouring adjacent short /e/ vowels), but Greek clearly cannot. For that reason, Greek is extremely important in reconstructing PIE forms.
Greek shows distinct reflexes of the laryngeals in various positions:
Proto-Indo-European | Greek | Vedic Sanskrit | Latin |
---|---|---|---|
*dʰh₁s- "sacred, religious" | θέσφατος (thésphatos) "decreed by God" | धिष्ण्य (dhíṣṇya-) "devout" | fānum "temple" < *fasnom < *dʰh̥₁s-no- |
*sth₂-to- "standing, being made to stand" | στατός (statós) | स्थित (sthíta-) | status |
*dh₃-ti- "gift" | δόσις (dósis) | दिति (díti-) | datiō |
All of the cases may stem from an early insertion of /e/ next to a laryngeal not adjacent to a vowel in the Indo-European dialect ancestral to Greek (subsequently coloured to /e/, /a/, /o/ by the particular laryngeal in question) prior to the general merger of laryngeals:
A laryngeal adjacent to a vowel develops along the same lines as other Indo-European languages:
Consonants followed by consonantal *y were palatalized, producing various affricate consonants (still represented as a separate sound in Mycenaean) and geminated palatal consonants. [3] Any aspiration was lost in the process. The palatalized consonants later simplified, mostly losing their palatal character. Palatalization occurred in two separate stages. The first stage affected only dental consonants, and the second stage affected all consonants.
The first palatalization caused dentals + *y to ultimately become alveolar affricates: [5]
Before | After |
---|---|
*ty, *tʰy | *ts |
*dy | *dz |
The affricate derived from the first palatalization of *ty and *tʰy merged with the outcome of the inherited clusters *ts, *ds and *tʰs, all becoming *ts. [6]
After the first palatalization changed *ty and *tʰy into *ts, the consonant *y was restored after original *t or *tʰ in morphologically transparent formations. [7] The initial outcome of restoration may have been simply *ty and *tʰy, or alternatively, restoration may have yielded an affricate followed by a glide, *tˢy, in the case of both original *t and original *tʰ. [7] Either way, restored *t(ʰ)y would go on to merge via the second palatalization with the reflex of *k(ʰ)y, resulting in a distinct outcome from the *ts derived from the first palatalization. [7] There may also have been restoration of *y after original *d in the same circumstances, but if so, it apparently merged with the *dz that resulted from the first palatalization before leaving any visible trace. [7]
However, restoration is not evident in Mycenaean Greek, where the reflex of original *t(ʰ)y (which became a consonant transcribed as ⟨s⟩) is consistently written differently from the reflex of original *k(ʰ)y (which became a consonant transcribed as ⟨z⟩ via the second palatalization). [7]
The second palatalization affected all consonants. It took place following the resolution of syllabic laryngeals and sonorants, and prior to Grassmann's law.
The following table, based on American linguist Andrew Sihler, [8] shows the outcomes of the second palatalization.
Before | After |
---|---|
*py, *pʰy | *pť |
*ty, *tʰy (*tsy) | *ťť |
*ky, *kʰy | |
*kʷy, *kʷʰy | |
(*dzy) | *ďď |
*gy | |
*gʷy | |
*ly | *ľľ |
*my, *ny | *ňň |
*ry | *řř |
*sy > *hy | *yy |
*wy | *ɥɥ > *yy |
Sihler reconstructs the palatalized stops (shown in the above table as *ť *ď) with a degree of assibilation and transcribes them as *č *ǰ. [8]
The resulting palatal consonants and clusters of Proto-Greek were resolved in varying ways prior to the historical period. Most notably, *ň and *ř were resolved into plain sonorants plus a palatal on-glide, which eventually turned the preceding vowel into a diphthong.
Proto-Greek | Attic | Homeric | West Ionic | Other Ionic | Boeotian | Arcado- Cypriot |
Other |
---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
*pť | pt | ||||||
*ts | s | s, ss | s | tt | ss | ||
*ťť | tt | ss | tt | ss | tt | ss | |
*dz, *ďď | zd | ||||||
*ľľ | ll | il | ll | ||||
*ňň | in (but *uňň > ūn) | ||||||
*řř | ir (but *uřř > ūr) | ||||||
*yy | i |
The restoration of *y after original *t or *tʰ (resulting in *ťť) occurred only in morphologically transparent formations, by analogy with similar formations in which *y was preceded by other consonants. [7] In formations that were morphologically opaque, the restoration did not take place and the *ts that resulted from the first palatalization of *ty and *tʰy remained. Hence, depending on the type of formation, the pre-Proto-Greek sequences *ty and *tʰy have different outcomes in the later languages. In particular, medial *t(ʰ)y becomes Attic s in opaque formations but tt in transparent formations. [7]
The outcome of PG medial *ts in Homeric Greek is s after a long vowel, and vacillation between s and ss after a short vowel: tátēsi dat. pl. "rug" < tátēt-, possí(n)/posí(n) dat. pl. "foot" < pod-. This was useful for the composer of the Iliad and Odyssey, since possí with double s scans as long-short, while posí with single s scans as short-short. Thus the writer could use each form in different positions in a line.
Examples of initial *ts:
Examples of medial *ts (morphologically opaque forms, first palatalization only):
Examples of medial *ťť (morphologically transparent forms, first and second palatalization):
For words with original *dy, no distinction is found in any historically attested form of Greek between the outcomes of the first and second palatalizations, and so there is no visible evidence of an opposition between *dz and a secondary restored cluster *dzy > *ďď. However, it is reasonable to think that words with *dy originally underwent parallel treatment to words with original *ty and *tʰy. [10] The reflex of *dy also merged with the reflex of *g(ʷ)y, with one of the two word-initial reflexes of PIE *y-, and with original *sd, as in PIE *h₃esdos/osdos > όζος 'branch' or PIE *si-sd- > ἵζω 'take a seat'. [11] The merger with *sd was probably post-Mycenaean, but occurred before the introduction of the Greek alphabet. [12]
![]() | This section needs expansion with: Proto-Greek reconstructed forms. You can help by
adding to it. (August 2022) |
In Proto-Greek, Cowgill's law [13] says that a former /o/ vowel becomes /u/ between a resonant (/r/, /l/, /m/, /n/) and a labial consonant (including labiovelars), in either order.
Examples:
Note that when a labiovelar adjoins an /o/ affected by Cowgill's law, the new /u/ will cause the labiovelar to lose its labial component (as in Greek: núks and Greek: ónuks/ónukh-, where the usual Greek change */kʷ/ > /p/ has not occurred).
Proto-Greek retained the Indo-European pitch accent, but developed a number of rules governing it: [14]
Sound changes that postdate Proto-Greek, but predate the attested dialects, including Mycenaean Greek, include:
The following changes are apparently post-Mycenaean because early stages are represented in Linear B:
Note that /w/ and /j/, when following a vowel and not preceding a vowel, combined early on with the vowel to form a diphthong and so were not lost.
Loss of /h/ and /w/ after a consonant was often accompanied by compensatory lengthening of a preceding vowel.
The results of vowel contraction were complex from dialect to dialect. Such contractions occur in the inflection of a number of different noun and verb classes and are among the most difficult aspects of Ancient Greek grammar. They were particularly important in the large class of contracted verbs, denominative verbs formed from nouns and adjectives ending in a vowel. (In fact, the reflex of contracted verbs in Modern Greek, the set of verbs derived from Ancient Greek contracted verbs, represents one of the two main classes of verbs in that language.)
The development of labiovelars varies from dialect to dialect: