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I have made a series of changes as separate edits:
1. correct relationship of Iñigo to Musà. This is simply correcting a mistake. There is no doubt about the relationship as Iñigo is explicitly called brother via the mother of Musà ibn Musà by the chronicler Ibn Hayyan, and is reported as such in every history book that covers the period. (e.g. the Menendez Pidal Historia de España, Lévi-Provençal's Histoire de l'Espagne musulmane, etc.)
2. regency. Ibn Hayyan reports the roles of Fortun and Garcia, and Fortun's death, while the embassy to Charlemagne is reported in a Frankish chronicle. J. Pérez de Urbel, "Lo viejo y lo nuevo sobre el origin del Reino de Pamplona" in Al-Andalus, XIX (1954), 1-30. Lévi-Provençal, E. and Emilio Garcia Gómez. "Textos inéditos del "Muqtabis" de Ibn Hayyan sobre los orígines del Reino de Pamplona". Al-Andalus. 19:295-315 (1954)
3. wife and daughter. Regarding the wife, see, for example, Thierry Stasser. "Consanguinity et Alliances Dynastiques en Espagne au Haut Moyen Age: La Politique Matrimoniale de la Reinne Tota de Navarre". Hidalguia. No. 277: 811-39 (1999) speculates that the wife of Iñigo was probably a member of the family that gave rise to the later counts of Aragon, and was perhaps named Tota. Christian Settipani, La Noblesse du midi carolingien, Occasional Publiucations of the Unit for Prosopographical Research, Vol. 5. shows two 13th century chronicles giving the two names, Tota in one, Oneca in the other. He uses Tota in subsequent charts and speculates about her origin. Luiz Mello Vaz de São Payo. "A Ascendência de D. Afonso Henriques". Raízes & Memórias Nos. 2,3,4,5,6,7,8. calls her Oneca and has her as daughter of Valasco. José Maria Lacarra. "Textos navarros del Códice de Roda". Estudios de Edad Media de la Corona de Aragon. 1:194-283 (1945) discusses the genealogy of these families as well as all relevant documentation, but gives no named wife to Iñigo, which given the thoroughness of the study is of value if only through omission. As to "Nunila", Lacarra, "Textos navarros del Códice de Roda" shows the surviving source material, which does not name this daughter.
4. succession. Ibn Hayyan writing not long afterwards, explicitly states in his entry for 851/2 that Iñigo died and was succeeded by his son Garcia. Lévi-Provençal and Garcia Gómez. "Textos inéditos del "Muqtabis" de Ibn Hayyan"; Pérez de Urbel, "Lo viejo y lo nuevo". Jimeno does appear to have been prominant enough to have sent envoys to Charlemagne along with Iñigo, but that is the only historical reference to him, except in so far as his son's name, Garcia Jimenez, indicates that he was son of a Jimeno, (Pérez de Urbel, "Lo viejo y lo nuevo") and the latter is said to have held sway in "another part of the kingdom", (Lacarra, "Textos navarros del Códice de Roda"), suggesting either that the region had not consolidated into a single political entity yet, or that the Jimenez ruled as regional sub-kings. (Pérez de Urbel, "Lo viejo y lo nuevo"; Pérez de Urbel, "Jimenos y Velas en Portugal". Revista Portuguesa de História. 5:475-492 (1951)).
5. parentage and kinship. His patronymic comes from ibn Hayyan, Lévi-Provençal and Garcia Gómez. "Textos inéditos del "Muqtabis" de Ibn Hayyan"; Pérez de Urbel, "Lo viejo y lo nuevo". For examples of speculation regarding his origins and kinship, see Lacarra, "Textos navarros del Códice de Roda", Perez de Urbel and Ricardo del Arco y Garay. Espana Christiana: Comienzo de la Reconquista (711-1038). (Menéndez Pidal) Historia de Espana, vol. 6 (1964), and a different hypothesis for the origin of the Jimenez, Luiz Mello Vaz de São Payo. "A Ascendência de D. Afonso Henriques". For dating the marriage to Musa ibn Fortun, see Alberto Cañada Juste, "Los Banu Qasi (714-924)". Principe de Viana 41:5-95 (1980); Simon Hayak. "Los Banu Qasi". Boletin de la Asociacion Español de Orientalists 28:143-157 (1992).
Agricolae 01:10, 29 January 2007 (UTC)
I have moved the page from Inigo I to Inigo Arista. The tradition among Iberian historians is to use ordinals for all kings of Asturias/Leon/Castile, Aragon, and Portugal, but for the Counties of Castile and Aragon, and particularly for Navarre to favor name/patronymic and to only number when both name and patronymic were the same. Thus the Counts of Castile are known as Fernan Gonzalez, Garcia Fernandez, Sancho Garces and Garcia Sanches - not Garcia I and Garcia II. In Aragon, Galindo Garces is not numbered, and you get Galindo Aznar I & II. In Navarre, the Garcias are Garcia Iniguez, Garcia Jimenez, Garcia Sanchez I, II & III, and Garcia Ramirez (the exception is with the Sanchos, who do tend to be numbered sequentially). When English writers began to refer to these individuals, they tried to apply ordinals, but this has only led to confusion as various authors used different systems, using different criteria from who to count and who not to count, but more followed the Spanish practice of leaving them unnumbered (hence king Garcia Ramirez gets ten times as many relevant hits as Garcia IV, Garcia V, Garcia VI, or Garcia VII, all of which have been used). This is seen with Arista, who some make Inigo I, while others call him Inigo II, making his father Inigo I, but most don't number him at all. Most consider him to be the only king named Inigo - the later Inigo currently numbered II in Wiki was probably never king at all. He only appears as such in a secondary entry in the Roda Codex, but this was likely translated from an Arabic source that was using a term more applicable to Count (or even chief) [see, for example, Martín Duque, Ángel J., Algunas Observaciones Sobre el Carácter Originario de la Monarquía Pamplonesa. Princípe de Viana. 63: 835-39 (2002) on the nature of the original 'kingdom'. A 'king' Sancho Iniguez can also be found in other Arabic sources, as can a 'prince' Garcia who is distinct from the other Garcias, and in fact Garcia Jimenez was probably not king either]. The exception to patronymic usage is Inigo Arista, a name as distinctive, unambiguous, and universally recognized among those familiar with Navarre as Alfred the Great is to England. His patronymic was only discovered within the past 50 years, and prior to that a different patronymic occasionally appeared from a late and untrustworthy chronicle, but most called him Inigo Arista. In summary, while it goes against the naming conventions for royalty, in this case that convention causes more confusion than it resolves, and forces an arbitrary choice of one among several conflicting naming conventions, while the established convention of historians is recognizable and unambiguous.
(This is not the only one I intend to move, so I would appreciate some discussion on a broader rename.) Agricolae ( talk) 20:57, 16 February 2008 (UTC)
What do people think about the "de Sousa Girao" family's claim to direct descent from him? Here in a rather well respected royal DNA project ( http://www.familytreedna.com/public/rurikid/default.aspx?section=yresults ) there's a participant with surname "de Sousa Girao" who's claiming direct descent from Íñigo Arista. However, this page ( http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Visconde_de_S%C3%A3o_Jorge ) states that the "de Sousa Girao" family is famous for professional forgeries. СЛУЖБА ( talk) 21:49, 27 November 2012 (UTC)
This is a semantic oxymoron. One either descends from someone or one doesn't. There is no such thing as an indirect descent (unless one is speaking of a great-uncle or something, and then the use of the term descent could itself be questioned. Garcia Sanchez I was the great-great-great-grandson of Inigo Arista, nothing indirect about it. The descent was in the female line, which may be what is being implied by 'indirect', but if this is deemed worth specifying, then it is better to express it in those terms - that they descended in the female line, rather than treating a female-line descent as somehow less direct than a male-line descent. Agricolae ( talk) 23:48, 27 November 2012 (UTC)
I am not entirely happy with the creation of this section. The three different parts of his name, while ostensibly sharing the common feature of being parts of his name, are actually addressing two distinct biographical questions and one question dealing with how he came to be remembered, and thus 'Name' doesn't actually represent a natural grouping for the discussion of these separate concepts. Likewise, I can't think of the page for any other monarch where we have a section that breaks down the etymology of their name, just for the sake of doing it. If, as I suspect, the goal of detailing Eneko is to demonstrate his Basque origin, then we should say this explicitly as part of a discussion of his origin. If not, if it really is just for etymology, then something like what is done in the first line of Alfred the Great will suffice. I don't have a problem with discussing the origin of Arista - in fact, it should be discussed as he was remembered more by this name among Christian sources than his patronymic, but there isn't a single contemporary record that calls him that (unfortunately, there isn't a single contemporary record at all except perhaps for the report of his embassy to the French court naming Induo) so this should be more a discussion of the fact that this is how he was remembered, including what it may mean and the earliest document to call him this name (? the Codice de Roda?, if we can find a reliable source). As to the patronymic, it was originally being used as evidence for the name of his father, not for its own sake. All of this is worthwhile information, I just don't think that leading royal biographies with name etymology sections is the way to go, when as I said it is really documenting three distinct concepts, origin, paternity and remembrance. Agricolae ( talk) 22:17, 23 June 2013 (UTC)
Is Leyre's foundation under Íñigo accepted by critical scholars? I know that they have documents claiming this to be the case, but I also know that these are all of dubious authenticity. Medieval monasteries were notorious for forging an earlier history for themselves so we really need a modern critical scholarly analysis of the specific question to be comfortable of this (while if it were recast as 'it was later claimed' that would remove the problem). Agricolae ( talk) 22:23, 23 June 2013 (UTC)
It doesn't matter how iconic a Basque name Belasko is. When this battle is reported in scholarly sources, the name is almost always given as Velasco, and it doesn't matter if the author is Spanish (Sanchez-Albornoz), French (Barrau-Dihigo) or most importantly for our purposes, English (Collins). Likewise, Velasco the Gascon is overwhelmingly preferred to Velasco the Gaul - search Google for "Velasco el Galo" and you get 3 hits. For "Velasco el Gascon" you get 1660. Much fewer in French, but "Velasco le Gascon" gives you 7, Velasco le Gaulois", zero (and much fewer all the way around for Belasko - 2 hits total for ever combination of el/le/the Gascon/Gaul/Galo/Gaulois, and one is to this page). Wikipedia reflects usage, and usage favors Velasco and Gascon. While we are at it, let me address two other points raised in edit summaries. First, why I used the term Muslim to refer to the group to the south. Yes, it is a religious designation, but it wasn't just the Emirate that was involved, it was also the marcher lords with whom the Pamplona dynasty sometimes fought and sometimes collaborated with in opposition to Cordoba. In referring to these as a whole as 'Muslims' I am in good company - see for example Lacarra's article on 'Muslim campaigns against Sancho I'. Not Andalusian campaigns, not Cordoban or Caliphate campaigns, but Muslim campaigns. Second, just as an Earl in the kingdom of England, leading an English army, is rightly called an 'English earl' even if his name was Svein and his father was a viking, so too a count within the Kingdom of the Franks leading a Frankish army (an army of that kingdom) can rightly be called a 'Frankish count' independent of his ethnicity. Ethnicity is not the sole criterion relevant to describing people - nobody objects to calling Charles XIV a Swedish king, even if he happened to not have a drop of Swedish blood. Agricolae ( talk) 20:47, 1 July 2013 (UTC)
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I have made a series of changes as separate edits:
1. correct relationship of Iñigo to Musà. This is simply correcting a mistake. There is no doubt about the relationship as Iñigo is explicitly called brother via the mother of Musà ibn Musà by the chronicler Ibn Hayyan, and is reported as such in every history book that covers the period. (e.g. the Menendez Pidal Historia de España, Lévi-Provençal's Histoire de l'Espagne musulmane, etc.)
2. regency. Ibn Hayyan reports the roles of Fortun and Garcia, and Fortun's death, while the embassy to Charlemagne is reported in a Frankish chronicle. J. Pérez de Urbel, "Lo viejo y lo nuevo sobre el origin del Reino de Pamplona" in Al-Andalus, XIX (1954), 1-30. Lévi-Provençal, E. and Emilio Garcia Gómez. "Textos inéditos del "Muqtabis" de Ibn Hayyan sobre los orígines del Reino de Pamplona". Al-Andalus. 19:295-315 (1954)
3. wife and daughter. Regarding the wife, see, for example, Thierry Stasser. "Consanguinity et Alliances Dynastiques en Espagne au Haut Moyen Age: La Politique Matrimoniale de la Reinne Tota de Navarre". Hidalguia. No. 277: 811-39 (1999) speculates that the wife of Iñigo was probably a member of the family that gave rise to the later counts of Aragon, and was perhaps named Tota. Christian Settipani, La Noblesse du midi carolingien, Occasional Publiucations of the Unit for Prosopographical Research, Vol. 5. shows two 13th century chronicles giving the two names, Tota in one, Oneca in the other. He uses Tota in subsequent charts and speculates about her origin. Luiz Mello Vaz de São Payo. "A Ascendência de D. Afonso Henriques". Raízes & Memórias Nos. 2,3,4,5,6,7,8. calls her Oneca and has her as daughter of Valasco. José Maria Lacarra. "Textos navarros del Códice de Roda". Estudios de Edad Media de la Corona de Aragon. 1:194-283 (1945) discusses the genealogy of these families as well as all relevant documentation, but gives no named wife to Iñigo, which given the thoroughness of the study is of value if only through omission. As to "Nunila", Lacarra, "Textos navarros del Códice de Roda" shows the surviving source material, which does not name this daughter.
4. succession. Ibn Hayyan writing not long afterwards, explicitly states in his entry for 851/2 that Iñigo died and was succeeded by his son Garcia. Lévi-Provençal and Garcia Gómez. "Textos inéditos del "Muqtabis" de Ibn Hayyan"; Pérez de Urbel, "Lo viejo y lo nuevo". Jimeno does appear to have been prominant enough to have sent envoys to Charlemagne along with Iñigo, but that is the only historical reference to him, except in so far as his son's name, Garcia Jimenez, indicates that he was son of a Jimeno, (Pérez de Urbel, "Lo viejo y lo nuevo") and the latter is said to have held sway in "another part of the kingdom", (Lacarra, "Textos navarros del Códice de Roda"), suggesting either that the region had not consolidated into a single political entity yet, or that the Jimenez ruled as regional sub-kings. (Pérez de Urbel, "Lo viejo y lo nuevo"; Pérez de Urbel, "Jimenos y Velas en Portugal". Revista Portuguesa de História. 5:475-492 (1951)).
5. parentage and kinship. His patronymic comes from ibn Hayyan, Lévi-Provençal and Garcia Gómez. "Textos inéditos del "Muqtabis" de Ibn Hayyan"; Pérez de Urbel, "Lo viejo y lo nuevo". For examples of speculation regarding his origins and kinship, see Lacarra, "Textos navarros del Códice de Roda", Perez de Urbel and Ricardo del Arco y Garay. Espana Christiana: Comienzo de la Reconquista (711-1038). (Menéndez Pidal) Historia de Espana, vol. 6 (1964), and a different hypothesis for the origin of the Jimenez, Luiz Mello Vaz de São Payo. "A Ascendência de D. Afonso Henriques". For dating the marriage to Musa ibn Fortun, see Alberto Cañada Juste, "Los Banu Qasi (714-924)". Principe de Viana 41:5-95 (1980); Simon Hayak. "Los Banu Qasi". Boletin de la Asociacion Español de Orientalists 28:143-157 (1992).
Agricolae 01:10, 29 January 2007 (UTC)
I have moved the page from Inigo I to Inigo Arista. The tradition among Iberian historians is to use ordinals for all kings of Asturias/Leon/Castile, Aragon, and Portugal, but for the Counties of Castile and Aragon, and particularly for Navarre to favor name/patronymic and to only number when both name and patronymic were the same. Thus the Counts of Castile are known as Fernan Gonzalez, Garcia Fernandez, Sancho Garces and Garcia Sanches - not Garcia I and Garcia II. In Aragon, Galindo Garces is not numbered, and you get Galindo Aznar I & II. In Navarre, the Garcias are Garcia Iniguez, Garcia Jimenez, Garcia Sanchez I, II & III, and Garcia Ramirez (the exception is with the Sanchos, who do tend to be numbered sequentially). When English writers began to refer to these individuals, they tried to apply ordinals, but this has only led to confusion as various authors used different systems, using different criteria from who to count and who not to count, but more followed the Spanish practice of leaving them unnumbered (hence king Garcia Ramirez gets ten times as many relevant hits as Garcia IV, Garcia V, Garcia VI, or Garcia VII, all of which have been used). This is seen with Arista, who some make Inigo I, while others call him Inigo II, making his father Inigo I, but most don't number him at all. Most consider him to be the only king named Inigo - the later Inigo currently numbered II in Wiki was probably never king at all. He only appears as such in a secondary entry in the Roda Codex, but this was likely translated from an Arabic source that was using a term more applicable to Count (or even chief) [see, for example, Martín Duque, Ángel J., Algunas Observaciones Sobre el Carácter Originario de la Monarquía Pamplonesa. Princípe de Viana. 63: 835-39 (2002) on the nature of the original 'kingdom'. A 'king' Sancho Iniguez can also be found in other Arabic sources, as can a 'prince' Garcia who is distinct from the other Garcias, and in fact Garcia Jimenez was probably not king either]. The exception to patronymic usage is Inigo Arista, a name as distinctive, unambiguous, and universally recognized among those familiar with Navarre as Alfred the Great is to England. His patronymic was only discovered within the past 50 years, and prior to that a different patronymic occasionally appeared from a late and untrustworthy chronicle, but most called him Inigo Arista. In summary, while it goes against the naming conventions for royalty, in this case that convention causes more confusion than it resolves, and forces an arbitrary choice of one among several conflicting naming conventions, while the established convention of historians is recognizable and unambiguous.
(This is not the only one I intend to move, so I would appreciate some discussion on a broader rename.) Agricolae ( talk) 20:57, 16 February 2008 (UTC)
What do people think about the "de Sousa Girao" family's claim to direct descent from him? Here in a rather well respected royal DNA project ( http://www.familytreedna.com/public/rurikid/default.aspx?section=yresults ) there's a participant with surname "de Sousa Girao" who's claiming direct descent from Íñigo Arista. However, this page ( http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Visconde_de_S%C3%A3o_Jorge ) states that the "de Sousa Girao" family is famous for professional forgeries. СЛУЖБА ( talk) 21:49, 27 November 2012 (UTC)
This is a semantic oxymoron. One either descends from someone or one doesn't. There is no such thing as an indirect descent (unless one is speaking of a great-uncle or something, and then the use of the term descent could itself be questioned. Garcia Sanchez I was the great-great-great-grandson of Inigo Arista, nothing indirect about it. The descent was in the female line, which may be what is being implied by 'indirect', but if this is deemed worth specifying, then it is better to express it in those terms - that they descended in the female line, rather than treating a female-line descent as somehow less direct than a male-line descent. Agricolae ( talk) 23:48, 27 November 2012 (UTC)
I am not entirely happy with the creation of this section. The three different parts of his name, while ostensibly sharing the common feature of being parts of his name, are actually addressing two distinct biographical questions and one question dealing with how he came to be remembered, and thus 'Name' doesn't actually represent a natural grouping for the discussion of these separate concepts. Likewise, I can't think of the page for any other monarch where we have a section that breaks down the etymology of their name, just for the sake of doing it. If, as I suspect, the goal of detailing Eneko is to demonstrate his Basque origin, then we should say this explicitly as part of a discussion of his origin. If not, if it really is just for etymology, then something like what is done in the first line of Alfred the Great will suffice. I don't have a problem with discussing the origin of Arista - in fact, it should be discussed as he was remembered more by this name among Christian sources than his patronymic, but there isn't a single contemporary record that calls him that (unfortunately, there isn't a single contemporary record at all except perhaps for the report of his embassy to the French court naming Induo) so this should be more a discussion of the fact that this is how he was remembered, including what it may mean and the earliest document to call him this name (? the Codice de Roda?, if we can find a reliable source). As to the patronymic, it was originally being used as evidence for the name of his father, not for its own sake. All of this is worthwhile information, I just don't think that leading royal biographies with name etymology sections is the way to go, when as I said it is really documenting three distinct concepts, origin, paternity and remembrance. Agricolae ( talk) 22:17, 23 June 2013 (UTC)
Is Leyre's foundation under Íñigo accepted by critical scholars? I know that they have documents claiming this to be the case, but I also know that these are all of dubious authenticity. Medieval monasteries were notorious for forging an earlier history for themselves so we really need a modern critical scholarly analysis of the specific question to be comfortable of this (while if it were recast as 'it was later claimed' that would remove the problem). Agricolae ( talk) 22:23, 23 June 2013 (UTC)
It doesn't matter how iconic a Basque name Belasko is. When this battle is reported in scholarly sources, the name is almost always given as Velasco, and it doesn't matter if the author is Spanish (Sanchez-Albornoz), French (Barrau-Dihigo) or most importantly for our purposes, English (Collins). Likewise, Velasco the Gascon is overwhelmingly preferred to Velasco the Gaul - search Google for "Velasco el Galo" and you get 3 hits. For "Velasco el Gascon" you get 1660. Much fewer in French, but "Velasco le Gascon" gives you 7, Velasco le Gaulois", zero (and much fewer all the way around for Belasko - 2 hits total for ever combination of el/le/the Gascon/Gaul/Galo/Gaulois, and one is to this page). Wikipedia reflects usage, and usage favors Velasco and Gascon. While we are at it, let me address two other points raised in edit summaries. First, why I used the term Muslim to refer to the group to the south. Yes, it is a religious designation, but it wasn't just the Emirate that was involved, it was also the marcher lords with whom the Pamplona dynasty sometimes fought and sometimes collaborated with in opposition to Cordoba. In referring to these as a whole as 'Muslims' I am in good company - see for example Lacarra's article on 'Muslim campaigns against Sancho I'. Not Andalusian campaigns, not Cordoban or Caliphate campaigns, but Muslim campaigns. Second, just as an Earl in the kingdom of England, leading an English army, is rightly called an 'English earl' even if his name was Svein and his father was a viking, so too a count within the Kingdom of the Franks leading a Frankish army (an army of that kingdom) can rightly be called a 'Frankish count' independent of his ethnicity. Ethnicity is not the sole criterion relevant to describing people - nobody objects to calling Charles XIV a Swedish king, even if he happened to not have a drop of Swedish blood. Agricolae ( talk) 20:47, 1 July 2013 (UTC)