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Lillooet
St虛谩t虛imcets / S茮虛a茮虛imx菨c
Ucwalm铆cwts / Lil虛wat7煤lmec
Native to Canada
Region British Columbia
Ethnicity6,670 St虛谩t虛imc (2014, FPCC) [1]
Native speakers
315 (2016) [2]
Salishan
Language codes
ISO 639-3 lil
Glottolog lill1248
ELP St虛谩t虛imcets (Lillooet)
Lillooet is classified as Severely Endangered by the UNESCO Atlas of the World's Languages in Danger
This article contains IPA phonetic symbols. Without proper rendering support, you may see question marks, boxes, or other symbols instead of Unicode characters. For an introductory guide on IPA symbols, see Help:IPA.

Lillooet ( /llo蕣t/; Lillooet: St虛谩t虛imcets / S茮虛a茮虛imx菨c, [藞蕛t汀涩始忙t汀涩始j蓹mx蓹t汀蕛]) is a Salishan language of the Interior branch spoken by the St始at始imc in southern British Columbia, Canada, around the middle Fraser and Lillooet Rivers. The language of the Lower Lillooet people uses the name Ucwalm铆cwts, [3] because St虛谩t虛imcets means "the language of the people of Sat虛", i.e. the Upper Lillooet of the Fraser River.

Lillooet is an endangered language with around 580 fluent speakers, who tend to be over 60 years of age. [4]

Regional varieties

St虛谩t虛imcets has two main dialects:

  • Upper/Northern St虛谩t虛imcets ( a.k.a. St虛谩t虛imcets, Fountain)
  • Lower/Southern St虛at虛imcets (a.k.a. Lil虛wat7煤lmec, Mount Currie)

Upper St虛谩t虛imcets is spoken around Fountain, Pavilion, Lillooet, and neighboring areas. Lower St虛谩t虛imcets is spoken around Mount Currie and neighboring areas. An additional subdialect called Skookumchuck is spoken within the Lower St虛谩t虛imcets dialect area, but there is no information available in van Eijk (1981, 1997) (which are the main references for this article). A common usage used by the bands of the Lower Lillooet River below Lillooet Lake is Ucwalmicwts.

The "Clao7alcw" (Raven's Nest) language nest program at Mount Currie, home of the Lil鈥檞at, is conducted in the Lil虛wat language and was the focus of Onowa McIvor's Master's thesis. [5]

As of 2014, "the Coastal Corridor Consortium鈥 an entity made up of board members from First Nations and educational partners to improve aboriginal access to and performance in postsecondary education and training鈥 ... [has] developed a Lil鈥檞at-language program." [6]

Phonology

Consonants

St虛谩t虛imcets has 44 consonants:

Analysis of van Eijk (1997)
Bilabial Dental Postalv.
/ Palatal
Velar Post-
velar
Glottal
central lateral retracted
lateral
plain retracted plain labial plain labial
Stop plain p t t汀蕛 t汀蕚 k k史 q q史
glottalized p始 t汀s始 t汀涩始 k始 k史始 q汀蠂始 q汀蠂史始
Fricative x x史 蠂史
Nasal plain m n
glottalized 藔m 藔n
Approximant plain z l j 砂史 蕰史 h
glottalized z始 藔l 藔岣 藔j 砂始 砂史始 蕰始 蕰史始
  • Obstruents consist of the stops, affricates, and fricatives. There are 22 obstruents.
  • Sonorants consist of the nasals and approximants. There are 22 sonorants.
  • Glottalized stops are pronounced as ejective consonants. Glottalized sonorants are pronounced with creaky voice: /藔n/ = /n始/ = [n贪] are all essentially equivalent notation which are often used interchangeably both in this article and in descriptions of St'at'imcets.
  • The glottalized consonants of St'at'imcets contrast not only with plain consonants, but also with sequences of plain consonant + glottal stop, or glottalized consonant + glottal stop, in either order. This holds for both the obstruents and the sonorants: [砂史][砂史始][砂蕯史][砂史蕯][蕯砂史始][砂史始蕯] and [k][k始][蕯k][k蕯][蕯k始][k始蕯].
  • The dental approximants /z, z始/ are pronounced alternatively as interdental fricatives [冒, 冒贪] or as dental fricatives [z酞, z酞贪], depending on the dialect of St'at'imcets.
  • There are four pairs of retracted and nonretracted consonants (which alternate morphophonemically). Retraction on consonants is essentially velarization, although additionally, nonretracted /t汀蕛/ is phonetically laminal [t汀蕛袒] whereas retracted /t汀蕛虪/ is apical [t汀蕚毯]. (St'at'imcets has retracted-nonretracted vowel pairs.)
    • /t汀蕛/ /t汀蕛虪/
    • /蕛/ /蕛虪/
    • /l/ /岣/
    • /l始/ /岣皇/
  • Among the post-velar consonants, the obstruents /q, q史, q汀蠂始, q汀蠂史始, 蠂, 蠂史/ are all post-velar (pre-uvular) [k虪, k虪史, k虪汀x虪始, k虪汀x虪史始, x虪, x虪史] whereas the approximants [蕰, 蕰史, 蕰始, 蕰史始] are either pharyngeal or true uvulars.

Vowels

St'at'imcets has 8 vowels:

Front Central Back
non-
retracted
retracted non-
retracted
retracted non-
retracted
retracted
High e ⟨e⟩ ⟨e虪⟩ o ⟨o⟩ ⟨o虪⟩
Mid ⟨蓹⟩ ⟨蓹虪⟩
Low ⟨a⟩ a ⟨a虪⟩
  • The phonetic realization of the phonemes are indicated in brackets to the right, though many allophones exist; for example, the realization of /e/ ranges from [e~i], the realization of /o/ from [o~u], and the non-retracted vowel /a/ ranges from [蓻~忙]. Vowels in stressed syllables tend to have less central pronunciations compared to their unstressed counterparts. For example, guy虛guy虛t煤lh 'always sleeping' is underlyingly /蕰o藔j蕰o藔j藞to涩/ but is realized as [蕰oj贪蕰oj贪tu涩], with the stressed /o/ being decentralized.
  • All retracted vowels are indicated by a line under the vowel. These retracted vowels alternate morphophonemically. (Note that St'at'imcets also has retracted consonants.)
  • Since retracted /e虪/ and non-retracted /a/ can both be pronounced [蓻], there is often phonetic overlap.

Phonological processes

Post-velar Harmony (retraction):

  • Within roots, there is a restriction that all consonant and vowel retracted-nonretracted pairs must be of the same type. That is, a root may not contain both a retracted and a nonretracted vowel or consonant. This is a type of Retracted Tongue Root harmony (also called pharyngeal harmony) involving both vowels and consonants that is an areal feature of this region of North America, shared by other Interior Salishan and non-Salishan languages (for example see Chilcotin vowel flattening).
  • In addition to the root harmony restriction, some suffixes harmonize with the root to which they are attached. For instance, the inchoative suffix /-桑史茅藔lx/ -wil鈥檆:
ama "good" /蕯谩ma/ + /-桑史茅藔lx/ /蕯ama桑史茅藔lx/ [蕯蓻m蓻桑史茅l贪x] amaw铆l鈥檆  "to get better"
qv岣 "bad" /q蕦岣/ + /-桑史茅藔lx/ /q蕦岣簧J访┨犓岣粁/ [qa色桑史蓻虂色贪x] qv岣粀铆i岣皇糲  "to get spoiled"

Orthography

There are two orthographies, [7] one based on Americanist Phonetic Notation that was developed by the Mount Currie School and used by the Lillooet Council, and a modification by Bouchard that is used by the Upper St虛谩t虛imc Language, Culture and Education Society. [8] The latter orthography is unusual in that /t涩始/ is written ⟨t虛⟩, but it is preferred in many modern Lillooet-speaking communities. [9]

Phoneme Orthography
Vowels
/e/ i
/o/ u
/蓹/ e
/蓻/ a
/蓻/ ii
/蓴/ o
/蕦/ 菨蹋 v
/a/ ao
Consonants
/p/ p
/p始/ p鈥 p虛
/t/ t
/t涩始/ 茮鈥 t虛
/t蕛/ c ts
/t蕛藸/ c蹋 峁痵瘫
/ts始/ c鈥 ts虛
/k/ k
/k史/ k史 kw
/k始/ k鈥 k虛
/k史始/ k鈥櫴 k虛w
/q/ q
/q史/ q史 qw
/q蠂始/ q鈥 q虛
/q蠂史始/ q鈥櫴 q虛w
/蕯/ 7
/蕛/ s
/蕛虪/ s虪
/x/ x c
/x史/ x史 cw
/蠂/ x虒 x
/蠂史/ x虒史 xw
/m/ m
/藔m/ m鈥 m虛
/n/ n
/藔n/ n鈥 n虛
/涩/ lh
/z/ z
/z始/ z鈥 z虛
/桑/ r
/桑史/ w
/桑始/ 桑鈥 r虛
/桑史始/ w鈥 w虛
/蕰/ g
/蕰史/ 蕰史 gw
/蕰始/ 蕰鈥 g虛
/蕰史始/ 蕰鈥櫴 g虛w
/h/ h
/j/ y
/藔j/ y鈥 y虛
/l/ l
/岣/
/藔l/ l鈥 l虛
/藔岣/ 岣封 l虪虛

Grammar

St'at'imcets has two main types of words:

  1. full words
    1. variable words
    2. invariable words
  2. clitics
    1. proclitics
    2. enclitics

The variable word type may be affected by many morphological processes, such as prefixation, suffixation, infixation, reduplication, and glottalization.

St虛谩t虛imcets, like the other Salishan languages, exhibits predicate/argument flexibility. All full words are able to occur in the predicate (including words with typically 'nouny' meanings such as nk虛yap 'coyote', which in the predicate essentially means 'to be a coyote') and any full word is able to appear in an argument, even those that seem "verby", such as t虛ak 'go along', which as a noun, is equivalent the noun phrase 'one that goes along'. [10]

Sentence T虛ak ti nk虛y谩pa.
Morphemes t虛ak ti- nk虛yap -a
Gloss go.along DET- coyote -DET
Parts Predicate Subject
Translation The/a coyote goes along.
Sentence N岣眣谩p ti t虛aka.
Morphemes nk虛yap ti- t虛ak -a
Gloss coyote DET- go.along -DET
Parts Predicate Subject
Translation The one going along is a coyote.

Reduplication

St虛谩t虛imcets, as is typical of the Salishan family, has several types of reduplication (and triplication) that have a range of functions such as expressing plural, diminutive, aspect, etc.

    Initial reduplication:
    kl虛谩cw 'muskrat' kl虛ekl虛谩cw 'muskrats' Plural
    st谩lhlec 'standing up' st谩talhlec 'to keep standing up' Continuative (has s- prefix, stem: -t谩lhlec)
    sr谩p 'tree' srepr谩p 'trees' Collective/Plural (stem: -rap)
    sn煤k虛wa7 'friend/relative' snek虛wn煤k虛wa7 'friends/relatives' Collective/Plural (stem: -n煤k虛wa7)
    Final reduplication/triplication:
    p虛l铆xw 'boil over' p虛l铆xwexw 'boiling over' Ongoing Action
    p虛l铆xw 'boil over' p虛lixwixw铆xw 'to keep boiling over' Continuative/Intensive
    lh茅sp 'rash' lh茅slhsep 'rash all over' Collective/Plural (stem: lhes-) (the e before -p is epenthetic)

A more complicated type of reduplication is the internal reduplication used to express the diminutive. In this case the consonant before a stressed vowel is reduplicated after the stressed vowel and usually the vowel then changes to e (IPA: [蓹]). Examples are below:

    Internal reduplication:
    naxw铆t 'snake' naxw茅xwt 'worm' (naxw茅-xw-t)
    sq谩xa7 'dog' sq茅qxa7 'pup' (sq茅-q-xa7)
    sql谩w虛 'beaver' sql茅lew虛 'little beaver' (sql茅-l-ew虛) (the extra e here is an epenthetic vowel)

More than one reduplicative process can occur in a given word:

  Diminutive Plural+Diminutive
    sq谩xa7 'dog' sq茅qxa7 'pup' sqexq茅qxa7 'pups'
    s-q谩xa7   s-q茅-q-xa7   s-qex-q茅-q-xa7  

St鈥櫭鈥檌mcets has several other variants of the above types. Reduplication is further complicated by consonant glottalization (see van Eijk (1997) for details).

Mood and modality

The subjunctive mood appears in nine distinct environments, with a range of semantic effects, including:

  • weakening an imperative to a polite request,
  • turning a question into an uncertainty statement,
  • creating an ignorance free relative.

The St虛谩t虛imcets subjunctive also differs from Indo-European subjunctives in that it is not selected by attitude verbs.

St虛谩t虛imcets has a complex system of subject and object agreement. There are different subject agreement paradigms for transitive vs. intransitive predicates. For intransitive predicates, there are three distinct subject paradigms, one of which is glossed as 'subjunctive' by van Eijk (1997) and Davis (2006)

Sample text

The following is a portion of a story in van Eijk (1981:87) told by Rosie Joseph of Mount Currie.


St虛谩t虛imcets:

Nilh aylh lts7a sM谩ma ti h煤z虛a qweqwl虛el虛tm铆nan. N虛as ku7 谩mlec 谩ku7 ts铆punsa. Nilh t虛u7 st虛谩ksas ti xl谩ka7sa. Tsicw 谩ku7, nilh t虛u7 ses wa7, kw谩nas et7煤 i sq谩wtsa. Wa7 ku7 t虛u7 谩ti7 x铆lem, t虛ak ku7 kn谩ti7 ti p煤7y虛acwa. Nilh ku7 t虛u7 skw谩nas, lip虛in虛谩s ku7. Nilh ku7 t虛u7 aylh stsuts: "Wa7 nalh aylh l谩ti7 kapv虂ta!" Nilh ku7 t虛u7 aylh sklhaka7m铆nas ku7 l谩ti7 ti sq谩wtsa cwilh谩 k虛a, nao7q虛 spawts ti kwanens谩sa...


International Phonetic Alphabet:

/ne涩 蓻j涩 l失蕯蓻 藞蕛m蓻m蓻 te 藞ho藔z蓻 q史蓹q史藔l蓹藔lt藞men蓻n. 藔n蓻蕛 ko蕯 藞蓻ml蓹x 藞蓻ko蕯 藞失epon蕛蓻. ne涩 t涩始o蕯 藞蕛t涩始蓻k蕛蓻蕛 te 藞蠂l蓻k蓻蕯蕛蓻. 失ex史 藞蓻ko蕯 ne涩 t涩始o蕯 蕛蓹蕛 桑史蓻蕯 藞k史蓻n蓻蕛 蓹t藞蕯o e 藞蕛q蓻桑史失蓻. 桑史蓻蕯 ko蕯 t涩始o蕯 藞蓻te蕯 藞蠂el蓹m t涩始蓻k ko蕯 藞kn蓻te蕯 te 藞po蕯藔j蓻x史蓻. ne涩 ko蕯 t涩始o蕯 藞蕛k史蓻n蓻蕛 lep始e藔n藞蓻蕛 ko蕯. ne涩 ko蕯 t涩始o蕯 蓻j涩 蕛失o失 桑史蓻蕯 n蓻涩 蓻j涩 藞l蓻te蕯 k蓻藞p蕦t蓻 ne涩 ko蕯 t涩始o蕯 蓻j涩 蕛k涩蓻k蓻蕯藞men蓻蕛 ko蕯 藞l蓻te蕯 te 藞蕛q蓻桑史失蓻 x史e涩藞蓻 k始蓻 na蕯q蠂始 蕛p蓻桑史失 te k史蓻n蓹n藞蕛蓻蕛蓻/


English translation:

This time it is M谩ma I am going to talk about. She went that way to get some food from her roothouse. So she took along her bucket. She got there, and she stayed around, taking potatoes. She was doing that, and then a mouse ran by there. So she grabbed it, she squeezed it. So she said: "You get all squashed now!" So she opened her hand and she let go of what turned out to be a potato, it was a rotten potato that she had caught...

References

  1. ^ Lillooet language at Ethnologue (19th ed., 2016) Closed access icon
  2. ^ "Census Profile, 2016 Census". Statcan. Statistics Canada. 2016. Retrieved March 28, 2018.
  3. ^ BCGNIS listing "Perrets Indian Reserve" 鈥 one of seven references in BCGNIS to "Ucwalm铆cwts"
  4. ^ "2021 Canadian Census".
  5. ^ McIvor, Onowa. Language Nest Programs in BC. Early childhood immersion programs in two First Nations Communities. Practical questions answered and guidelines offered (PDF). Retrieved June 2, 2013.
  6. ^ Wood, Stephanie (January 22, 2014). "Despite limited resources, indigenous-language programs persevere in B.C." Georgia Straight, Vancouver's News & Entertainment Weekly. Retrieved February 27, 2014.
  7. ^ "Ucwalm铆cwts / St虛谩t虛imcets / S茮'a茮'imx菨c (Lillooet)".
  8. ^ "USLCES Lillooet BC WebPage a Native Culture site". www.uslces.org. Archived from the original on May 12, 2008. Retrieved October 29, 2023.
  9. ^ "L铆l虛wat on FirstVoices".
  10. ^ Cable, Seth. Lexical Categories in the Salish and Wakashan Languages (PDF). Retrieved November 20, 2013.

Bibliography

  • Frank, Beverley, Rose Whitley, and Jan van Eijk. Nqwaluttenlhkalha English to Statimcets Dictionary. Volume One. 2002. ISBN  1-896719-18-X
  • Joseph, Marie. (1979). Cuystw铆 malh Ucwalm铆cwts: Ucwalm铆cwts curriculum for beginners. Mount Currie, B.C.: Ts鈥檢il Publishing House. ISBN  0-920938-00-0.
  • Larochell, Martina; van Eijk, Jan P.; & Williams, Lorna. (1981). Cuystw铆 malh Ucwalm铆cwts: Lillooet legends and stories. Mount Currie, B.C.: Ts鈥檢il Publishing House. ISBN  0-920938-03-5.
  • Lillooet Tribal Council. (1993). Introducing St'at'imcets (Fraser River Dialect): A primer. Lillooet, British Columbia: Lillooet Tribal Council.
  • Matthewson, Lisa, and Beverley Frank. When I was small = I wan kwikws : a grammatical analysis of St'谩t'imc oral narratives. First nations languages. Vancouver: UBC Press, 2005. ISBN  0-7748-1090-4
  • Poser, William J. (2003). The status of documentation for British Columbia native languages. Yinka Dene Language Institute Technical Report (No. 2). Vanderhoof, British Columbia: Yinka Dene Language Institute. (2003 updated version).
  • van Eijk, Jan P. (1981). Cuystw铆 malh Ucwalm铆cwts: Teach yourself Lillooet: Ucwalm铆cwts curriculum for advanced learners. Mount Currie, B.C.: Ts鈥檢il Publishing House. ISBN  0-920938-02-7.
  • van Eijk, Jan P. (1985). The Lillooet language: Phonology, morphology, syntax. Amsterdam: Universiteit van Amsterdam.
  • van Eijk, Jan P. (1988). Lillooet forms for 'pretending' and 'acting like'. International Journal of Linguistics, 54, 106鈥110.
  • van Eijk, Jan P. (1990). Intransitivity, transitivity and control in Lillooet Salish. In H. Pinkster & I. Grenee (Eds.), Unity in diversity: Papers presented to Simon C. Dik on his 50th birthday (pp. 47鈥64). Dordrecht, Holland: Foris.
  • van Eijk, Jan P. (1993). CVC reduplication and infixation in Lillooet. In A. Mattina & T. Montler (Eds.), American Indian linguistics and ethnography in honor of Laurence C. Thompson (pp. 317鈥326). University of Montana occasional papers in linguistics (No. 10). Missoula: University of Montana.
  • van Eijk, Jan P. (1997). The Lillooet language: Phonology, morphology, syntax. Vancouver: UBC Press. ISBN  0-7748-0625-7. (Revised version of van Eijk 1985).
  • Williams, Lorna; van Eijk, Jan P.; & Turner, Gordon. (1979). Cuystw铆 malh Ucwalm铆cwts: Ucwalm铆cwts curriculum for intermediates. Mount Currie, B.C.: Ts鈥檢il Publishing House. ISBN  0-920938-01-9.

External links

From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia
(Redirected from St鈥櫭鈥檌mcets)
Lillooet
St虛谩t虛imcets / S茮虛a茮虛imx菨c
Ucwalm铆cwts / Lil虛wat7煤lmec
Native to Canada
Region British Columbia
Ethnicity6,670 St虛谩t虛imc (2014, FPCC) [1]
Native speakers
315 (2016) [2]
Salishan
Language codes
ISO 639-3 lil
Glottolog lill1248
ELP St虛谩t虛imcets (Lillooet)
Lillooet is classified as Severely Endangered by the UNESCO Atlas of the World's Languages in Danger
This article contains IPA phonetic symbols. Without proper rendering support, you may see question marks, boxes, or other symbols instead of Unicode characters. For an introductory guide on IPA symbols, see Help:IPA.

Lillooet ( /llo蕣t/; Lillooet: St虛谩t虛imcets / S茮虛a茮虛imx菨c, [藞蕛t汀涩始忙t汀涩始j蓹mx蓹t汀蕛]) is a Salishan language of the Interior branch spoken by the St始at始imc in southern British Columbia, Canada, around the middle Fraser and Lillooet Rivers. The language of the Lower Lillooet people uses the name Ucwalm铆cwts, [3] because St虛谩t虛imcets means "the language of the people of Sat虛", i.e. the Upper Lillooet of the Fraser River.

Lillooet is an endangered language with around 580 fluent speakers, who tend to be over 60 years of age. [4]

Regional varieties

St虛谩t虛imcets has two main dialects:

  • Upper/Northern St虛谩t虛imcets ( a.k.a. St虛谩t虛imcets, Fountain)
  • Lower/Southern St虛at虛imcets (a.k.a. Lil虛wat7煤lmec, Mount Currie)

Upper St虛谩t虛imcets is spoken around Fountain, Pavilion, Lillooet, and neighboring areas. Lower St虛谩t虛imcets is spoken around Mount Currie and neighboring areas. An additional subdialect called Skookumchuck is spoken within the Lower St虛谩t虛imcets dialect area, but there is no information available in van Eijk (1981, 1997) (which are the main references for this article). A common usage used by the bands of the Lower Lillooet River below Lillooet Lake is Ucwalmicwts.

The "Clao7alcw" (Raven's Nest) language nest program at Mount Currie, home of the Lil鈥檞at, is conducted in the Lil虛wat language and was the focus of Onowa McIvor's Master's thesis. [5]

As of 2014, "the Coastal Corridor Consortium鈥 an entity made up of board members from First Nations and educational partners to improve aboriginal access to and performance in postsecondary education and training鈥 ... [has] developed a Lil鈥檞at-language program." [6]

Phonology

Consonants

St虛谩t虛imcets has 44 consonants:

Analysis of van Eijk (1997)
Bilabial Dental Postalv.
/ Palatal
Velar Post-
velar
Glottal
central lateral retracted
lateral
plain retracted plain labial plain labial
Stop plain p t t汀蕛 t汀蕚 k k史 q q史
glottalized p始 t汀s始 t汀涩始 k始 k史始 q汀蠂始 q汀蠂史始
Fricative x x史 蠂史
Nasal plain m n
glottalized 藔m 藔n
Approximant plain z l j 砂史 蕰史 h
glottalized z始 藔l 藔岣 藔j 砂始 砂史始 蕰始 蕰史始
  • Obstruents consist of the stops, affricates, and fricatives. There are 22 obstruents.
  • Sonorants consist of the nasals and approximants. There are 22 sonorants.
  • Glottalized stops are pronounced as ejective consonants. Glottalized sonorants are pronounced with creaky voice: /藔n/ = /n始/ = [n贪] are all essentially equivalent notation which are often used interchangeably both in this article and in descriptions of St'at'imcets.
  • The glottalized consonants of St'at'imcets contrast not only with plain consonants, but also with sequences of plain consonant + glottal stop, or glottalized consonant + glottal stop, in either order. This holds for both the obstruents and the sonorants: [砂史][砂史始][砂蕯史][砂史蕯][蕯砂史始][砂史始蕯] and [k][k始][蕯k][k蕯][蕯k始][k始蕯].
  • The dental approximants /z, z始/ are pronounced alternatively as interdental fricatives [冒, 冒贪] or as dental fricatives [z酞, z酞贪], depending on the dialect of St'at'imcets.
  • There are four pairs of retracted and nonretracted consonants (which alternate morphophonemically). Retraction on consonants is essentially velarization, although additionally, nonretracted /t汀蕛/ is phonetically laminal [t汀蕛袒] whereas retracted /t汀蕛虪/ is apical [t汀蕚毯]. (St'at'imcets has retracted-nonretracted vowel pairs.)
    • /t汀蕛/ /t汀蕛虪/
    • /蕛/ /蕛虪/
    • /l/ /岣/
    • /l始/ /岣皇/
  • Among the post-velar consonants, the obstruents /q, q史, q汀蠂始, q汀蠂史始, 蠂, 蠂史/ are all post-velar (pre-uvular) [k虪, k虪史, k虪汀x虪始, k虪汀x虪史始, x虪, x虪史] whereas the approximants [蕰, 蕰史, 蕰始, 蕰史始] are either pharyngeal or true uvulars.

Vowels

St'at'imcets has 8 vowels:

Front Central Back
non-
retracted
retracted non-
retracted
retracted non-
retracted
retracted
High e ⟨e⟩ ⟨e虪⟩ o ⟨o⟩ ⟨o虪⟩
Mid ⟨蓹⟩ ⟨蓹虪⟩
Low ⟨a⟩ a ⟨a虪⟩
  • The phonetic realization of the phonemes are indicated in brackets to the right, though many allophones exist; for example, the realization of /e/ ranges from [e~i], the realization of /o/ from [o~u], and the non-retracted vowel /a/ ranges from [蓻~忙]. Vowels in stressed syllables tend to have less central pronunciations compared to their unstressed counterparts. For example, guy虛guy虛t煤lh 'always sleeping' is underlyingly /蕰o藔j蕰o藔j藞to涩/ but is realized as [蕰oj贪蕰oj贪tu涩], with the stressed /o/ being decentralized.
  • All retracted vowels are indicated by a line under the vowel. These retracted vowels alternate morphophonemically. (Note that St'at'imcets also has retracted consonants.)
  • Since retracted /e虪/ and non-retracted /a/ can both be pronounced [蓻], there is often phonetic overlap.

Phonological processes

Post-velar Harmony (retraction):

  • Within roots, there is a restriction that all consonant and vowel retracted-nonretracted pairs must be of the same type. That is, a root may not contain both a retracted and a nonretracted vowel or consonant. This is a type of Retracted Tongue Root harmony (also called pharyngeal harmony) involving both vowels and consonants that is an areal feature of this region of North America, shared by other Interior Salishan and non-Salishan languages (for example see Chilcotin vowel flattening).
  • In addition to the root harmony restriction, some suffixes harmonize with the root to which they are attached. For instance, the inchoative suffix /-桑史茅藔lx/ -wil鈥檆:
ama "good" /蕯谩ma/ + /-桑史茅藔lx/ /蕯ama桑史茅藔lx/ [蕯蓻m蓻桑史茅l贪x] amaw铆l鈥檆  "to get better"
qv岣 "bad" /q蕦岣/ + /-桑史茅藔lx/ /q蕦岣簧J访┨犓岣粁/ [qa色桑史蓻虂色贪x] qv岣粀铆i岣皇糲  "to get spoiled"

Orthography

There are two orthographies, [7] one based on Americanist Phonetic Notation that was developed by the Mount Currie School and used by the Lillooet Council, and a modification by Bouchard that is used by the Upper St虛谩t虛imc Language, Culture and Education Society. [8] The latter orthography is unusual in that /t涩始/ is written ⟨t虛⟩, but it is preferred in many modern Lillooet-speaking communities. [9]

Phoneme Orthography
Vowels
/e/ i
/o/ u
/蓹/ e
/蓻/ a
/蓻/ ii
/蓴/ o
/蕦/ 菨蹋 v
/a/ ao
Consonants
/p/ p
/p始/ p鈥 p虛
/t/ t
/t涩始/ 茮鈥 t虛
/t蕛/ c ts
/t蕛藸/ c蹋 峁痵瘫
/ts始/ c鈥 ts虛
/k/ k
/k史/ k史 kw
/k始/ k鈥 k虛
/k史始/ k鈥櫴 k虛w
/q/ q
/q史/ q史 qw
/q蠂始/ q鈥 q虛
/q蠂史始/ q鈥櫴 q虛w
/蕯/ 7
/蕛/ s
/蕛虪/ s虪
/x/ x c
/x史/ x史 cw
/蠂/ x虒 x
/蠂史/ x虒史 xw
/m/ m
/藔m/ m鈥 m虛
/n/ n
/藔n/ n鈥 n虛
/涩/ lh
/z/ z
/z始/ z鈥 z虛
/桑/ r
/桑史/ w
/桑始/ 桑鈥 r虛
/桑史始/ w鈥 w虛
/蕰/ g
/蕰史/ 蕰史 gw
/蕰始/ 蕰鈥 g虛
/蕰史始/ 蕰鈥櫴 g虛w
/h/ h
/j/ y
/藔j/ y鈥 y虛
/l/ l
/岣/
/藔l/ l鈥 l虛
/藔岣/ 岣封 l虪虛

Grammar

St'at'imcets has two main types of words:

  1. full words
    1. variable words
    2. invariable words
  2. clitics
    1. proclitics
    2. enclitics

The variable word type may be affected by many morphological processes, such as prefixation, suffixation, infixation, reduplication, and glottalization.

St虛谩t虛imcets, like the other Salishan languages, exhibits predicate/argument flexibility. All full words are able to occur in the predicate (including words with typically 'nouny' meanings such as nk虛yap 'coyote', which in the predicate essentially means 'to be a coyote') and any full word is able to appear in an argument, even those that seem "verby", such as t虛ak 'go along', which as a noun, is equivalent the noun phrase 'one that goes along'. [10]

Sentence T虛ak ti nk虛y谩pa.
Morphemes t虛ak ti- nk虛yap -a
Gloss go.along DET- coyote -DET
Parts Predicate Subject
Translation The/a coyote goes along.
Sentence N岣眣谩p ti t虛aka.
Morphemes nk虛yap ti- t虛ak -a
Gloss coyote DET- go.along -DET
Parts Predicate Subject
Translation The one going along is a coyote.

Reduplication

St虛谩t虛imcets, as is typical of the Salishan family, has several types of reduplication (and triplication) that have a range of functions such as expressing plural, diminutive, aspect, etc.

    Initial reduplication:
    kl虛谩cw 'muskrat' kl虛ekl虛谩cw 'muskrats' Plural
    st谩lhlec 'standing up' st谩talhlec 'to keep standing up' Continuative (has s- prefix, stem: -t谩lhlec)
    sr谩p 'tree' srepr谩p 'trees' Collective/Plural (stem: -rap)
    sn煤k虛wa7 'friend/relative' snek虛wn煤k虛wa7 'friends/relatives' Collective/Plural (stem: -n煤k虛wa7)
    Final reduplication/triplication:
    p虛l铆xw 'boil over' p虛l铆xwexw 'boiling over' Ongoing Action
    p虛l铆xw 'boil over' p虛lixwixw铆xw 'to keep boiling over' Continuative/Intensive
    lh茅sp 'rash' lh茅slhsep 'rash all over' Collective/Plural (stem: lhes-) (the e before -p is epenthetic)

A more complicated type of reduplication is the internal reduplication used to express the diminutive. In this case the consonant before a stressed vowel is reduplicated after the stressed vowel and usually the vowel then changes to e (IPA: [蓹]). Examples are below:

    Internal reduplication:
    naxw铆t 'snake' naxw茅xwt 'worm' (naxw茅-xw-t)
    sq谩xa7 'dog' sq茅qxa7 'pup' (sq茅-q-xa7)
    sql谩w虛 'beaver' sql茅lew虛 'little beaver' (sql茅-l-ew虛) (the extra e here is an epenthetic vowel)

More than one reduplicative process can occur in a given word:

  Diminutive Plural+Diminutive
    sq谩xa7 'dog' sq茅qxa7 'pup' sqexq茅qxa7 'pups'
    s-q谩xa7   s-q茅-q-xa7   s-qex-q茅-q-xa7  

St鈥櫭鈥檌mcets has several other variants of the above types. Reduplication is further complicated by consonant glottalization (see van Eijk (1997) for details).

Mood and modality

The subjunctive mood appears in nine distinct environments, with a range of semantic effects, including:

  • weakening an imperative to a polite request,
  • turning a question into an uncertainty statement,
  • creating an ignorance free relative.

The St虛谩t虛imcets subjunctive also differs from Indo-European subjunctives in that it is not selected by attitude verbs.

St虛谩t虛imcets has a complex system of subject and object agreement. There are different subject agreement paradigms for transitive vs. intransitive predicates. For intransitive predicates, there are three distinct subject paradigms, one of which is glossed as 'subjunctive' by van Eijk (1997) and Davis (2006)

Sample text

The following is a portion of a story in van Eijk (1981:87) told by Rosie Joseph of Mount Currie.


St虛谩t虛imcets:

Nilh aylh lts7a sM谩ma ti h煤z虛a qweqwl虛el虛tm铆nan. N虛as ku7 谩mlec 谩ku7 ts铆punsa. Nilh t虛u7 st虛谩ksas ti xl谩ka7sa. Tsicw 谩ku7, nilh t虛u7 ses wa7, kw谩nas et7煤 i sq谩wtsa. Wa7 ku7 t虛u7 谩ti7 x铆lem, t虛ak ku7 kn谩ti7 ti p煤7y虛acwa. Nilh ku7 t虛u7 skw谩nas, lip虛in虛谩s ku7. Nilh ku7 t虛u7 aylh stsuts: "Wa7 nalh aylh l谩ti7 kapv虂ta!" Nilh ku7 t虛u7 aylh sklhaka7m铆nas ku7 l谩ti7 ti sq谩wtsa cwilh谩 k虛a, nao7q虛 spawts ti kwanens谩sa...


International Phonetic Alphabet:

/ne涩 蓻j涩 l失蕯蓻 藞蕛m蓻m蓻 te 藞ho藔z蓻 q史蓹q史藔l蓹藔lt藞men蓻n. 藔n蓻蕛 ko蕯 藞蓻ml蓹x 藞蓻ko蕯 藞失epon蕛蓻. ne涩 t涩始o蕯 藞蕛t涩始蓻k蕛蓻蕛 te 藞蠂l蓻k蓻蕯蕛蓻. 失ex史 藞蓻ko蕯 ne涩 t涩始o蕯 蕛蓹蕛 桑史蓻蕯 藞k史蓻n蓻蕛 蓹t藞蕯o e 藞蕛q蓻桑史失蓻. 桑史蓻蕯 ko蕯 t涩始o蕯 藞蓻te蕯 藞蠂el蓹m t涩始蓻k ko蕯 藞kn蓻te蕯 te 藞po蕯藔j蓻x史蓻. ne涩 ko蕯 t涩始o蕯 藞蕛k史蓻n蓻蕛 lep始e藔n藞蓻蕛 ko蕯. ne涩 ko蕯 t涩始o蕯 蓻j涩 蕛失o失 桑史蓻蕯 n蓻涩 蓻j涩 藞l蓻te蕯 k蓻藞p蕦t蓻 ne涩 ko蕯 t涩始o蕯 蓻j涩 蕛k涩蓻k蓻蕯藞men蓻蕛 ko蕯 藞l蓻te蕯 te 藞蕛q蓻桑史失蓻 x史e涩藞蓻 k始蓻 na蕯q蠂始 蕛p蓻桑史失 te k史蓻n蓹n藞蕛蓻蕛蓻/


English translation:

This time it is M谩ma I am going to talk about. She went that way to get some food from her roothouse. So she took along her bucket. She got there, and she stayed around, taking potatoes. She was doing that, and then a mouse ran by there. So she grabbed it, she squeezed it. So she said: "You get all squashed now!" So she opened her hand and she let go of what turned out to be a potato, it was a rotten potato that she had caught...

References

  1. ^ Lillooet language at Ethnologue (19th ed., 2016) Closed access icon
  2. ^ "Census Profile, 2016 Census". Statcan. Statistics Canada. 2016. Retrieved March 28, 2018.
  3. ^ BCGNIS listing "Perrets Indian Reserve" 鈥 one of seven references in BCGNIS to "Ucwalm铆cwts"
  4. ^ "2021 Canadian Census".
  5. ^ McIvor, Onowa. Language Nest Programs in BC. Early childhood immersion programs in two First Nations Communities. Practical questions answered and guidelines offered (PDF). Retrieved June 2, 2013.
  6. ^ Wood, Stephanie (January 22, 2014). "Despite limited resources, indigenous-language programs persevere in B.C." Georgia Straight, Vancouver's News & Entertainment Weekly. Retrieved February 27, 2014.
  7. ^ "Ucwalm铆cwts / St虛谩t虛imcets / S茮'a茮'imx菨c (Lillooet)".
  8. ^ "USLCES Lillooet BC WebPage a Native Culture site". www.uslces.org. Archived from the original on May 12, 2008. Retrieved October 29, 2023.
  9. ^ "L铆l虛wat on FirstVoices".
  10. ^ Cable, Seth. Lexical Categories in the Salish and Wakashan Languages (PDF). Retrieved November 20, 2013.

Bibliography

  • Frank, Beverley, Rose Whitley, and Jan van Eijk. Nqwaluttenlhkalha English to Statimcets Dictionary. Volume One. 2002. ISBN  1-896719-18-X
  • Joseph, Marie. (1979). Cuystw铆 malh Ucwalm铆cwts: Ucwalm铆cwts curriculum for beginners. Mount Currie, B.C.: Ts鈥檢il Publishing House. ISBN  0-920938-00-0.
  • Larochell, Martina; van Eijk, Jan P.; & Williams, Lorna. (1981). Cuystw铆 malh Ucwalm铆cwts: Lillooet legends and stories. Mount Currie, B.C.: Ts鈥檢il Publishing House. ISBN  0-920938-03-5.
  • Lillooet Tribal Council. (1993). Introducing St'at'imcets (Fraser River Dialect): A primer. Lillooet, British Columbia: Lillooet Tribal Council.
  • Matthewson, Lisa, and Beverley Frank. When I was small = I wan kwikws : a grammatical analysis of St'谩t'imc oral narratives. First nations languages. Vancouver: UBC Press, 2005. ISBN  0-7748-1090-4
  • Poser, William J. (2003). The status of documentation for British Columbia native languages. Yinka Dene Language Institute Technical Report (No. 2). Vanderhoof, British Columbia: Yinka Dene Language Institute. (2003 updated version).
  • van Eijk, Jan P. (1981). Cuystw铆 malh Ucwalm铆cwts: Teach yourself Lillooet: Ucwalm铆cwts curriculum for advanced learners. Mount Currie, B.C.: Ts鈥檢il Publishing House. ISBN  0-920938-02-7.
  • van Eijk, Jan P. (1985). The Lillooet language: Phonology, morphology, syntax. Amsterdam: Universiteit van Amsterdam.
  • van Eijk, Jan P. (1988). Lillooet forms for 'pretending' and 'acting like'. International Journal of Linguistics, 54, 106鈥110.
  • van Eijk, Jan P. (1990). Intransitivity, transitivity and control in Lillooet Salish. In H. Pinkster & I. Grenee (Eds.), Unity in diversity: Papers presented to Simon C. Dik on his 50th birthday (pp. 47鈥64). Dordrecht, Holland: Foris.
  • van Eijk, Jan P. (1993). CVC reduplication and infixation in Lillooet. In A. Mattina & T. Montler (Eds.), American Indian linguistics and ethnography in honor of Laurence C. Thompson (pp. 317鈥326). University of Montana occasional papers in linguistics (No. 10). Missoula: University of Montana.
  • van Eijk, Jan P. (1997). The Lillooet language: Phonology, morphology, syntax. Vancouver: UBC Press. ISBN  0-7748-0625-7. (Revised version of van Eijk 1985).
  • Williams, Lorna; van Eijk, Jan P.; & Turner, Gordon. (1979). Cuystw铆 malh Ucwalm铆cwts: Ucwalm铆cwts curriculum for intermediates. Mount Currie, B.C.: Ts鈥檢il Publishing House. ISBN  0-920938-01-9.

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