The Morrison–Grady Plan, also known as the Morrison Plan or the Provincial Autonomy Plan, was a joint Anglo-American plan announced on 31 July 1946 for the creation of a unitary federal trusteeship in Mandatory Palestine. [1]
Following the issuance of the Anglo-American Committee of Inquiry report on 20 April 1946, a new committee was created to establish how the Anglo-American proposals would be implemented, led by British Deputy Prime Minister Herbert Morrison and US diplomat Henry F. Grady. [2] Morrison presented the plan to the British Parliament on 31 July 1946. [3] In the United States, President Truman's initial support for the plan changed after American Zionist lobbying against it before the November mid-term elections. [4] The pressure from American Zionists resulted in President Truman rejecting the plan, despite it having been proposed by Truman's own appointee. The United States then had no Palestine policy. [5]
The plan became the point of departure for the London Conference of 1946–47, convened by the British on 1 October 1946. [6]
Under the terms of the plan, Jewish and Arab provinces would exercise self-rule under British oversight, and Jerusalem and the Negev would remain under direct British control. Through the Morrison–Grady Plan, the British hoped to maintain influence in the Middle East in the post-war era. [7] [8]
The Arab states discussed the plan with the British at the London Conference of 1946–47, rejected the plan on the grounds that it would lead to partition and instead proposed an independent unitary state. [9]
The Jews refused to attend the conference since they had rejected the provisional autonomy plan at a separate Zionist conference. [9] They made attendance conditioned on having their detained leaders released to represent them at the table, which the British did not permit. [10]
At a later meeting of the Conference the following February, Britain proposed a plan, known as the Bevin Plan, for a five-year British trusteeship. The trusteeship was to lead to a permanent settlement agreed by all parties. When both the Arabs and the Jews rejected the plan, Britain decided to refer the problem to the United Nations, which set up the United Nations Special Committee on Palestine. [11]
Leaks acquired by the United States press led to a published account of the plan. President Truman was encouraged by his advisor, James F. Byrnes, to make a public statement in support of the Morrison–Grady plan after Byrnes' meeting with Attlee and Bevin in Paris. Truman never made such a statement and the attack on the King David hotel motivated the British to attempt to implement the Morrison–Grady plan. [12]
In response to the plan, the Jewish Agency decided to settle the Negev in a scheme known as the 11 points in the Negev. [13] [14]
Cabinet discussion, 25 July 1946, on the agreement between American and British experts on a 299 new policy for Palestine. (The new plan for provisional autonomy would become known as the Morrison-Grady plan, since Herbert Morrison would present it before the British Parliament.) Cab. 128/6
On June 11, Truman himself announced the formation of a cabinet committee on Palestine and other, related problems. The committee would be composed of Secretary of State Byrnes (chairman), Secretary of War Robert Patterson, and Secretary of the Treasury John Snyder. Henry F. Grady, a career diplomat, was appointed as Byrnes's alternate to head the American team dispatched to London to discuss details with the British
Truman and his cabinet were at first inclined to support the provisional autonomy plan, but following intense pressure on the part of the American Zionists and mindful of the coming midterm elections in November 1946, the president changed his mind. On 7 August, he informed the British that he had decided to reject the plan.
Once again, Zionist pressures in Washington brought Truman's rejection of his own experts' report. The Zionists feared that the plan would crystallise their development within a narrow ghetto. But their rejection also condemned the DPs to spend another winter in Europe. Much as the Zionists played on the 100,000 issue, they predicated the refugees' salvation upon a satisfactory political solution in Palestine. Moreover, by now the numbers of DPs in the camps had more than doubled, and the Zionists pondered the wisdom of limiting their demands to 100,000. Truman's rejection of the Morrison-Grady plan left the United States with no Palestine policy at all.
But the Jews did not attend because of poor British-Jewish relations in Palestine and British refusal to discuss partition.
The Jews refused to attend unless their detained leaders were released and allowed to represent them at the conference table. The British government refused to permit this...
The Morrison–Grady Plan, also known as the Morrison Plan or the Provincial Autonomy Plan, was a joint Anglo-American plan announced on 31 July 1946 for the creation of a unitary federal trusteeship in Mandatory Palestine. [1]
Following the issuance of the Anglo-American Committee of Inquiry report on 20 April 1946, a new committee was created to establish how the Anglo-American proposals would be implemented, led by British Deputy Prime Minister Herbert Morrison and US diplomat Henry F. Grady. [2] Morrison presented the plan to the British Parliament on 31 July 1946. [3] In the United States, President Truman's initial support for the plan changed after American Zionist lobbying against it before the November mid-term elections. [4] The pressure from American Zionists resulted in President Truman rejecting the plan, despite it having been proposed by Truman's own appointee. The United States then had no Palestine policy. [5]
The plan became the point of departure for the London Conference of 1946–47, convened by the British on 1 October 1946. [6]
Under the terms of the plan, Jewish and Arab provinces would exercise self-rule under British oversight, and Jerusalem and the Negev would remain under direct British control. Through the Morrison–Grady Plan, the British hoped to maintain influence in the Middle East in the post-war era. [7] [8]
The Arab states discussed the plan with the British at the London Conference of 1946–47, rejected the plan on the grounds that it would lead to partition and instead proposed an independent unitary state. [9]
The Jews refused to attend the conference since they had rejected the provisional autonomy plan at a separate Zionist conference. [9] They made attendance conditioned on having their detained leaders released to represent them at the table, which the British did not permit. [10]
At a later meeting of the Conference the following February, Britain proposed a plan, known as the Bevin Plan, for a five-year British trusteeship. The trusteeship was to lead to a permanent settlement agreed by all parties. When both the Arabs and the Jews rejected the plan, Britain decided to refer the problem to the United Nations, which set up the United Nations Special Committee on Palestine. [11]
Leaks acquired by the United States press led to a published account of the plan. President Truman was encouraged by his advisor, James F. Byrnes, to make a public statement in support of the Morrison–Grady plan after Byrnes' meeting with Attlee and Bevin in Paris. Truman never made such a statement and the attack on the King David hotel motivated the British to attempt to implement the Morrison–Grady plan. [12]
In response to the plan, the Jewish Agency decided to settle the Negev in a scheme known as the 11 points in the Negev. [13] [14]
Cabinet discussion, 25 July 1946, on the agreement between American and British experts on a 299 new policy for Palestine. (The new plan for provisional autonomy would become known as the Morrison-Grady plan, since Herbert Morrison would present it before the British Parliament.) Cab. 128/6
On June 11, Truman himself announced the formation of a cabinet committee on Palestine and other, related problems. The committee would be composed of Secretary of State Byrnes (chairman), Secretary of War Robert Patterson, and Secretary of the Treasury John Snyder. Henry F. Grady, a career diplomat, was appointed as Byrnes's alternate to head the American team dispatched to London to discuss details with the British
Truman and his cabinet were at first inclined to support the provisional autonomy plan, but following intense pressure on the part of the American Zionists and mindful of the coming midterm elections in November 1946, the president changed his mind. On 7 August, he informed the British that he had decided to reject the plan.
Once again, Zionist pressures in Washington brought Truman's rejection of his own experts' report. The Zionists feared that the plan would crystallise their development within a narrow ghetto. But their rejection also condemned the DPs to spend another winter in Europe. Much as the Zionists played on the 100,000 issue, they predicated the refugees' salvation upon a satisfactory political solution in Palestine. Moreover, by now the numbers of DPs in the camps had more than doubled, and the Zionists pondered the wisdom of limiting their demands to 100,000. Truman's rejection of the Morrison-Grady plan left the United States with no Palestine policy at all.
But the Jews did not attend because of poor British-Jewish relations in Palestine and British refusal to discuss partition.
The Jews refused to attend unless their detained leaders were released and allowed to represent them at the conference table. The British government refused to permit this...