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Japan Socialist Party
日本社会党
Nippon shakai-tō or Nihon shakai-tō
Leader
Founded2 November 1945; 78 years ago (1945-11-02)
Dissolved19 January 1996; 28 years ago (1996-01-19)
Succeeded by Social Democratic Party
HeadquartersSocial & Cultural Center 1-8-1 Nagata-cho, Chiyoda-ku, Tokyo
Newspaper Shakai Shimpō [ ja] [1]
Ideology
Political position Left-wing [2] [3]
Factions:
Centre-left [A] to far-left [B]
International affiliation Socialist International [4]
Colors  Blue
Party flag

^ A:  Right Socialist Party of Japan
^ B:  Left Socialist Party of Japan

The Japan Socialist Party (日本社会党, Nihon Shakai-tō, abbr. JSP) was a socialist and progressive [3] political party in Japan that existed from 1945 to 1996. The party was founded as the Social Democratic Party of Japan by members of several proletarian parties that existed before World War II, including the Social Mass Party, the Labour-Farmer Party, and the Japan Labour-Farmer Party. The party represented the Japanese left after the war, and was a major opponent of the right-wing Liberal Democratic Party. [3]

The JSP was briefly in power from 1947 to 1948. From 1951 to 1955, the JSP was divided into the Left Socialist Party and the Right Socialist Party. In 1955, Japan's two major conservative parties merged to form the Liberal Democratic Party (LDP), establishing the so-called 1955 System, which allowed the party to near-continuously hold power since. The JSP was the largest opposition party but was incapable of forming government. Nonetheless, the JSP managed to hold about one third of the seats in the National Diet during this period, preventing the LDP from revising the Constitution of Japan. [5] [6] [7]

In the late 1980s and early 1990s, the JSP under the leadership of Takako Doi earned a record-high number of seats. However, the establishment and electoral success of new conservative parties in the mid-1990s took the JSP by surprise and its share of seats in the National Diet decreased significantly. The party was formally dissolved in 1996. Its successor is the Social Democratic Party, a minor party holding two parliamentary seats, one each in the Houses of Representatives and Councillors as of 2022. [8]

Two Japanese prime ministers, Tetsu Katayama and Tomiichi Murayama, were members of the JSP.

History

Foundation

The two major left-wing political parties in Japan in the 1930s were the Labour-Farmer Masses Party and Social Democratic Party. They merged into the Shakai Taishūtō in 1932, and were the third-largest party in the after the 1937 election. It was dissolved in 1940 due to the Imperial Rule Assistance Association. [9]

Suehiro Nishio started talking about creating a new socialist party with Chōzaburō Mizutani and Komakichi Matsuoka shortly after Emperor Hirohito's surrender broadcast. Thirteen former members of the National Diet announced their intention to form a new party on 5 September 1945. This organization was officially formed on November 2. It was given the Japanese name Nihon Shakai-tō (Socialist Party of Japan), but given the official English name of Social Democratic Party of Japan. [10]

An inaugural committee of 25 members was formed. The founding convention was chaired by Tetsu Katayama and Nishio was elected General Secretary. Nishio, Mizutani, and other inaugural committee members were appointed to the party's Executive Committee. [11]

Katayama government

Former JSP Head Office in Nagatacho, the Social & Cultural Center (社会文化会館)

The Japanese Communist Party (JCP), unbanned and its leaders freed from prison in October 1945, asked the JSP to form a common political front of Japan's democratic parties. The JSP declined stating that neither had formally established their parties or policies yet. The JSP believed that the coalition would aid the party, but did not believe that the JSP was organized enough to maintain control over it. Morito Tatsuo proposed the creation of a Democratic League for National Salvation after the 1946 election so that the JSP could establish itself as the leader. [12]

The JSP initially selected a limited amount of candidates for the 1946 elections. However, the party drastically increased its candidate amount after the Purge Directive, issued on 4 January 1946, greatly reduced the membership of right-wing parties. Conservatives attempted to form a government with right-wing members of the JSP, but the Liberal Party and JSP were unable to. [13]

The JSP rejected an offer from the JCP to work together in the 1947 election. The JSP became the largest party in the election with 143 seats. [14] It formed a coalition government under Katayama with the Democratic Party and the Citizens' Cooperation Party. Katayama was the first socialist to lead Japan. [15] Katayama's coalition fell in February 1948, in large part due to inexperience and subsequent poor performance in leading the government. [16] A new cabinet was formed under the leadership of Hitoshi Ashida, a member of the Democrats. Ashida's tenure was marked by labor disputes and he resigned after eight months due to a corruption scandal. A caretaker government was formed under the leadership of Shigeru Yoshida. [17]

Members of Hisao Kuroda's JSP faction in the Diet were expelled after voting against the budget during Ashida's tenure. Kuroda and his supporters broke away and formed the Labourers and Farmers Party. The JSP attempted to delay the 1949 election as it feared massive losses. The JSP's seat total fell from 148 to 48. [18]

In the period following the end of World War II, the JSP played a key role in the drafting of the new Japanese constitution, adding progressive articles related to issues such as health, welfare and working conditions. [19] Unfortunately for the JSP and the broader Japanese left in the immediate postwar era, their time in power coincided with a change in U.S. policy towards Japan commonly known as the Reverse Course. [20] Beginning around 1947, and intensifying with the victory of the Communists over the Nationalists in the Chinese Civil War in 1949, the U.S. occupation government headed by Douglas MacArthur felt the need to revise its previously conciliatory stance towards the kinds of policies pursued by Japanese leftists, from the breakup of Zaibatsu, the country's business conglomerates, to land reform, to the ousting of nationalist figures in government. [21] Apart from reversing early steps taken towards implementing these policies, the U.S. occupation government oversaw and assisted in the purging of almost 30,000 workers deemed to be " red" between 1948 and 1950, frustrating leftist attempts to hold on to state power. [22]

Fracture and reunification

The party's 1949 convention was postponed until after the year's election. The party leadership, including multiple members of the Central Executive Committee, resigned following the party's defeat. The party's right-wing wanted to rename the organization to the Social Democratic Party while the left-wing wanted to retain its name, which was approved. The left-wing wanted the entire right-wing leadership to resign, Katayama retained as chairman, and Mosaburō Suzuki appointed as Secretary General. Inejirō Asanuma was the right-wing candidate for Secretary General. Asanuma defeated Suzuki in the nominating committee's vote with 31 to 30, but lost the convention vote 390 to 261. Katayama was reelected as chairman. [23]

By the time of the 1950 convention the party's factions formed two youth leagues. The left-wing controlled the official Youth Department while the right-wing formed the Independent Youth League. The Youth Department, which held its convention before the party's, demanded the expulsion of all members of the Independent Youth League and prepared a motion of no confidence against Katayama. The left-wing held greater control over the convention than in the previous year, holding almost all of the committee chairmanships. Katayama declined to run for reelection and the right-wing walked out of the convention. [24]

Members of the Diet who were not aligned with either faction formed the Unification Discussion Group. The two factions held separate conventions, but worked together in the Diet due to spring labor disputes and threats from the National Railway Workers' Union to pull its support for the party. The three groups reunited on 3 April, after three months of negation. The position of chairman was left vacant, but Asanuma was made Secretary General. The Central Executive Committee was divided between fifteen left-wingers, nine right-wingers, and six centrists. [25]

In the 1950 elections the JSP won the governorship of Kyoto Prefecture and became the second-largest party in the House of Councillors while the JCP declined in strength. [26] The party's factions were heavily divided over the Treaty of San Francisco and Treaty of Mutual Cooperation and Security between the United States and Japan. The party's convention was held on 23 October 1951, and divided into the Right Socialist Party of Japan and Left Socialist Party of Japan after seventeen hours. In the Diet the left-wing voted against both treaties while the right-wing opposed the peace treaty and supported the security treaty. [27] The party remained united at the prefecture level until the final prefecture division in 1953. [28]

The Left Socialists selected Suzuki as chairman and Masaru Nomizo as Secretary General while the Right Socialists selected Asanuma as Secretary General and left the position of chairman vacant. [29] At the time of the schism the JSP's Diet membership was divided into 30 Right Socialists and 16 Left Socialists. Their seat totals rose to 57 for the Right Socialists and 54 for the Left Socialists after the 1952 election. [30] Despite this divided membership the two groups worked together in the Diet with Kaishintō and disaffected Liberals to pass motions of no confidence against Minister of Finance Hayato Ikeda . [31]

In 1953, Yoshida lost a vote of no confidence to the socialists and conservatives after disaffected Liberals abstained and new elections were called. The Left Socialists overtook the Right Socialists in seat count in the general election. In the House of Councillors election the Left Socialists rose from 30 to 41 seats while the Right Socialists declined from 30 to 26 seats. The Right Socialists attempted to form a coalition with the Left Socialists, Kaishintō, and disaffected Liberals. This failed as Minoru Takano failed to convince the Left Socialists, who wanted Suzuki as prime minister, to accept Mamoru Shigemitsu, the Kaishintō leader, as prime minister. Yoshida became prime minister again after two ballots and Kaishintō announced that it would end its partnership with the socialists. [32]

Yoshida lost a motion of no confidence supported by the Japan Democratic Party and Socialists on 7 December 1954. Ichirō Hatoyama replaced him and new elections were called. The Left and Right Socialists, faced with Hatoyama's popularity, adopted the same platform. The two groups held conventions on 18 January 1955, in which they called to reunify after the election. The combined Socialist seat total, 156, was greater than their seat total during Katayama's government. Unification negotiation committees met in April and the platform it created was accepted by an united convention on 13 October. Suzuki was appointed as chairman and Asanuma as Secretary General. The Central Executive Committee and Control Commission was divided equally between the two factions. [33]

1960s

The party split again in 1960 because of internal disagreement over how to conduct the ongoing Anpo protests against revision of the Treaty of Mutual Cooperation and Security Between the United States and Japan, known as Anpo in Japanese, and whether or not to cooperate with the Communist Party of Japan in doing so. [34] On 24 January 1960, the right-most elements of the party led by Suehiro Nishio (a part of the old Right Socialist Party of Japan), broke away to form the Democratic Socialist Party, leaving the JSP slightly weakened. [35]

A further blow came in the fall of 1960 when the energetic JSP party chairman Inejiro Asanuma was assassinated by a right-wing youth, Otoya Yamaguchi, during a televised election debate. [36] Asanuma had been a charismatic figure who had been able to hold the antagonistic left and right factions of the party together through the force of his personality. [36] Asanuma's untimely death deprived the party of his adroit leadership, and thrust Saburō Eda into the leadership role instead. [36] A centrist, Eda rapidly took the party in a more centrist direction, far faster than the left socialists were ready to accept. [36] This led to growing infighting within the party, and drastically damaged its ability to present a cohesive message to the public. [37]

In particular, Eda earned the enmity of the party's left-wing due to his ambitious platform of "structural reform" (構造改革, kōzō kaikaku) and his related "Eda Vision" of socialism. [38] The "structural reform" platform drew inspiration from the recently concluded Anpo protests against the U.S.-Japan Security Treaty, which had achieved massive size and forced the resignation of conservative prime minister Nobusuke Kishi. Eda and his allies viewed these protests as having been an unalloyed success in having allowed the JSP to play a leading role in fomenting a mass movement. Eda's "structural reform" platform called for a combination of parliamentary pressure tactics and Anpo-style extra-parliamentary mass movements that would gradually move Japan toward socialism by forcing the government into a series of piecemeal concessions. [39] Above all, Eda and his fellow structural reformers hoped to broaden the base of the JSP beyond a hard core of labor unionists, leftist student activists, and Marxist intellectuals to encompass people from many walks of life, in order to dramatically increase the party's potential supporters at the polls. [40]

In an effort to build popular support for his reform program, Eda announced his "New Vision of Socialism", better known by its nickname, the "Eda Vision", in July 1962. [41] Eda declared that "[s]ocialism must be defined in sunny and cheerful terms that are easily understandable to the masses. I believe that 'socialism' is that which allows human potential to blossom to its fullest extent. The main four accomplishments that humankind has achieved so far are America's high standard of living, the Soviet Union's thoroughgoing social welfare system, England's parliamentary democracy, and Japan's peace constitution. I believe that if we can integrate these, we can give birth to a broad-based socialism." [41]

The "Eda Vision" of a more moderate form of socialism was received enthusiastically in the mainstream Japanese press, and polled well in public opinion polls. [41] However, the "Eda Vision" was also the final straw for the more orthodox Marxist left-wing factions in the JSP, who had already chafed against the moderate tone of Eda's "structural reform" platform. In particular, they could not accept praise of what they viewed as the "imperialist" United States and Great Britain, and the "deviationist" and "Stalinist" Soviet Union. [42] At the 22nd Party Congress in November 1962, the left-wing of the JSP revolted, and succeeded in persuading a majority of party members present to adopt an "Eda Vision Criticism Resolution" that renounced the "Eda Vision" as antithetical to core party principles. [42] Eda was forced to resign his position as Secretary General, and thereafter the party returned to a more dogmatically Marxist platform which emphasized the urban working classes as the party's main political base. [42]

Thereafter, a younger generation of reform-minded activists became disillusioned and began to drift away from the party. [42] At the same time, the emergence of the " Clean Government Party" (Kōmeitō, the political wing of the Sokka Gakkai Buddhist religious movement) and the increasing electoral success of the Japan Communist Party, began to eat away at the JSP's urban working class base. [42] The Socialists slipped in the polls in the 1967 election, lost more ground in the 1968 Upper House election, and suffered a crushing repudiation in 1969, when they lost 51 seats in the National Diet. [43]

1970s

In some regions, the party continued to perform well at the local level and by the 1970s many areas were run by JSP (or JSP-backed) mayors and governors, who supported environmental protection initiatives and introduced new social welfare programs. [44] [45] [46] [47] [48] [49] [50]

Meanwhile, Saburō Eda continued his efforts to reform the party and expand its base. Eda ran numerous times for the post of party chairman, but was unsuccessful, although he did serve a second stint as Secretary General from 1968 to 1970. Nevertheless, Eda remained popular among the broader Japanese public and in the mid-1970s conservative prime minister Kakuei Tanaka said at a press conference, "If the Japan Socialist Party were ever to make Eda its Chairman again, a general election would be terrifying. They would drastically expand their seats in the Diet." [51] Eda could never overcome the undying animosity his "Eda Vision" had won him from his party's left-wing.[ citation needed]

In 1976, Eda lost his reelection bid and was booted from the Diet. Blaming his loss on his party's dogmatic, doctrinaire Marxism and desperate for reform, he attempted to resign from the JSP but the party refused to accept his resignation and voted to expel him instead. The following year, Eda and Hideo Den (田英夫) led a small group of JSP Dietmembers to split from the JSP and form a new party called the Socialist Democratic Federation (社会民主連合). [52] [53]

1980s

In July 1986, under party chairman Masashi Ishibashi, the JSP suffered a disastrous double defeat in both houses of the National Diet in the simultaneously held 1986 Japanese general election and 1986 Japanese House of Councillors election. Losing in a rout to the Liberal Democratic Party (LDP) under popular prime minister Yasuhiro Nakasone, the JSP's seats in the lower house fell from 112 to a new all-time low of 85 and its share of the popular vote dropped from 19.5 percent to 17.2 percent. This defeat led the party to elect Takako Doi as party chair, making her the first woman to ever lead a Japanese political party. Doi was popular with the Japanese public led the JSP to an electoral comeback with an impressive showing in the 1990 Japanese general election, winning 136 seats and 24.4 percent of the vote. Some electoral districts had more than one successful socialist candidate. Doi's decision to put up more than one candidate for each of the 130 districts represented a controversial break with the past because unlike their LDP counterparts many party candidates did not want to run against each other; however, the great majority of the 149 socialist candidates who ran were successful, including seven of eight women.[ citation needed]

Doi, a university professor of constitutional law before entering politics, had a tough, straight-talking manner that appealed to voters tired of the evasiveness of other politicians. Many women found her a refreshing alternative to submissive female stereotypes and in the late 1980s the public at large in opinion polls voted her their favorite politician (the runner-up in these surveys was equally tough-talking conservative LDP member Shintarō Ishihara); however, Doi's popularity was of limited aid to the party, as the powerful Shakaishugi Kyokai (Japan Socialist Association), which was supported by a contingent of the party's 76,000-strong membership, remained committed to orthodox Marxism, impeding Doi's efforts to promote what she called perestroika and a more moderate program with greater voter appeal.[ citation needed]

In 1983, Doi's predecessor as chairman Masashi Ishibashi had begun the delicate process of moving the party away from its strong opposition to the Self-Defense Forces. While maintaining that these forces were unconstitutional in light of Article 9, he claimed that because they had been established through legal procedures, they had a legitimate status (this phrasing was changed a year later to say that the Self-Defense Forces exist legally). Ishibashi also broke past precedent by visiting Washington to talk with United States political leaders. By the end of the decade, the party had accepted the Self-Defense Forces and the 1960 U.S.-Japan Security Treaty. It advocated strict limitations on military spending (no more than 1 percent of GNP annually), a suspension of joint military exercises with United States forces, and a reaffirmation of the three non-nuclear principles (no production, possession, or introduction of nuclear weapons into Japanese territory).[ citation needed]

Doi expressed support for balanced ties with the Democratic People's Republic of Korea ( North Korea) and the Republic of Korea ( South Korea). In the past, the party had favored the Kim Il Sung regime in Pyongyang and in the early 1990s it still refused to recognize the normalization of relations between Tokyo and Seoul with Treaty on Basic Relations between Japan and the Republic of Korea (1965). In domestic policy, the party demanded the continued protection of agriculture and small business in the face of foreign pressure, abolition of the consumption tax and an end to the construction and use of nuclear power reactors. As a symbolic gesture to reflect its new moderation, the party dropped its commitment to socialist revolution at its April 1990 convention and described its goal as social democracy, [54] the creation of a society in which "all people fairly enjoy the fruits of technological advancement and modern civilization and receive the benefits of social welfare." Delegates also elected Doi to a third term as party chairwoman.[ citation needed]

Because of the party's self-definition as a class-based party and its symbiotic relationship with the General Council of Trade Unions of Japan (Sōhyō), the public-sector workers' confederation, few efforts were made to attract non-union constituencies. Although some Sōhyō unions supported the Japanese Communist Party, the party remained the representative of Sohyo's political interests until the merger with private-sector unions and the Japanese Trade Union Confederation (Rengō) in 1989. Because of declining union financial support during the 1980s, some party Diet members turned to dubious fund-raising methods. One was involved in the Recruit affair. Like other parties, it sold large blocks of fund-raising party tickets and the LDP even gave individual party Diet members funds from time to time to persuade them to cooperate in passing difficult legislation.[ citation needed]

1990s

As part of the fallout of the Recruit Scandal, the party secured a mere 70 seats (down from 137) in the 1993 Japanese general election while the LDP lost its majority in the lower house for the first time since the 1983 Japanese general election and was out of government for the first time in 38 years. The anti-LDP coalition government of Morihiro Hosokawa was formed by reformists who had triggered the 1993 election by leaving the LDP ( Japan Renewal Party and New Party Sakigake), a liberal party formed only a year before ( Japan New Party), the traditional centre-left opposition ( Kōmeitō, Democratic Socialist Party and Socialist Democratic Federation) and the Democratic Reform Party, the political arm of the Rengō trade union federation, together with the JSP. In 1994, the JSP and the New Sakigake Party decided to leave the non-LDP coalition. The minority Hata cabinet lasted only a few weeks.[ citation needed]

The JSP then formed a grand coalition (dai-renritsu) government with the LDP and the New Party Sakigake under JSP Prime Minister Tomiichi Murayama, who was leader of the party from 1993 to 1996. Most of the other parties from the anti-LDP coalition, now forced back into opposition, united to form the New Frontier Party (NFP), which overtook the JSP as second largest political party in Japan. The JSP suffered a defeat in the 1995 Japanese House of Councillors election. In January 1996, the New Socialist Party of Japan split off from the JSP, Murayama resigned as Prime Minister, and the JSP changed its name from the JSP to the Social Democratic Party (SDP) as an interim party for forming a new party.[ citation needed]

An illustration of the history of JSP

Ideology

The JSP is generally regarded as having been a progressive " left-wing" party that opposed the conservative " right-wing" Liberal Democratic Party (LDP). [3] The JSP is also considered a centre-left party, [55] but there was a far-left faction within the party. [56] [57] The so-called "leftists" in the JSP were Marxists in favour of scientific socialism. By contrast, the so-called "rightists" were in favour of social democracy and aimed at establishing a welfare state. [58]

The JSP supported a neutralist foreign policy and opposed amending the Constitution of Japan, especially the Article 9 of the Constitution of Japan. [5] [6] Japan's left-wing liberalism emerged as a "peace movement" and was largely led by the JSP. [59] The party was generally the mainstay of the " Kakushin" (radical-liberal forces) camp. [60]

After Takako Doi became party leader, the JSP established a European-style democratic socialism line. [61] Apart from the party's socialist identity, the Murayama Cabinet, which came to power between 1994 and 1996, supported social-liberal reform. [62]

The JSP opposed Shintoist social conservatism, and was politically friendly with Christianity in the United States. There were quite a few Christians in the JSP. Former Japanese Prime Minister Tetsu Katayama was also a Christian. [63]

The party interacted with the North Korea's Korean Social Democratic Party. [64] The party was also strongly opposed to the far-right South Korea's anti-communist dictatorship, including Park Chung Hee and Chun Doo-hwan, and allied with South Korean liberals, including Kim Dae-jung. [65]

Leaders

No. Photo Name
(Birth–death)
Constituency / title Term of office Election results Prime Minister (term)
Took office Left office
Chair of the Social Democratic Party of Japan (1946–1950)
1 Tetsu Katayama
(1887–1978)
Rep for
Kanagawa 3rd
28 September 1946 16 January 1950 Yoshida 1946–47
himself 1947–48
Ashida 1948
Yoshida 1948–54
Chair of the Social Democratic Party of Japan, Right (1951–1955)
Jōtarō Kawakami
(1889–1965)
Rep for
Hyogo 1st
19 January 1951 12 October 1955 Yoshida 1948–54
Hatoyama I. 1954–56
Chair of the Japanese Socialist Party, Left (1951–1955)
Suzuki Mosaburō
(1893–1970)
Rep for
Tokyo 3rd
18 January 1951 12 October 1955 Yoshida 1948–54
Hatoyama I. 1954–56
Chair of the Social Democratic Party of Japan, Unified (1955–1996)
2 Suzuki Mosaburō
(1893–1970)
Rep for
Tokyo 3rd
12 October 1955 23 March 1960 Hatoyama I. 1954–56
Ishibashi 1956–57
Kishi 1957–60
3 Inejiro Asanuma
(1898–1960)
Rep for
Tokyo 1st
23 March 1960 12 October 1960
(assassinated)
1960
Inejirō Asanuma – 228
Jōtarō Kawakami – 206
Ikeda 1960–64
Saburō Eda
(1907–1977)
(acting)
Cou for
Okayama at-large
12 October 1960 6 March 1961
4 Jōtarō Kawakami
(1889–1965)
Rep for
Hyogo 1st
6 March 1961 6 May 1965
Satō 1964–72
5 Kouzou Sasaki
(1900–1985)
Rep for
Miyagi 1st
6 May 1965 19 August 1967
January 1966
Kozo Sasaki – 295
Saburō Eda – 276
December 1966
Kozo Sasaki – 313
Saburō Eda – 274
6 Seiichi Katsumata
(1908–1989)
Rep for
Shizuoka 2nd
19 August 1967 4 October 1968
7 Tomomi Narita
(1912–1979)
Rep for
Kagawa 1st
30 November 1968 26 September 1977
1970
Tomomi Narita – 207
Saburō Eda – 148
Tanaka K. 1972–74
Miki 1974–76
Fukuda T. 1976–78
8 Ichio Asukata
(1915–1990)
Rep for
Tokyo 1st
13 December 1977 7 September 1983
1981
Ichio Asukata – 39379
Sanji Mutō – 14721
Shōichi Shimodaira – 3425
Ōhira 1978–80
Ito 1980 (Acting)
Suzuki Z. 1980–82
Nakasone 1982–87
9 Masashi Ishibashi
(1924–2019)
Rep for
Nagasaki 2nd
7 September 1983 8 September 1986
10 Takako Doi
(1928–2014)
Rep for
Hyogo 2nd
9 September 1986 31 July 1991
1986
Takako Doi – 58670
Tetsu Ueda – 11748
Takeshita 1987–89
Uno 1989
Kaifu 1989–91
11 Makoto Tanabe
(1922–2015)
Rep for
Gunma 1st
31 July 1991 19 January 1993
1991
Makoto Tanabe – 46363
Tetsu Ueda – 36358
Miyazawa 1991–93
12 Sadao Yamahana
(1936–1999)
Rep for
Tokyo 11th
19 January 1993 25 September 1993
Hosokawa 1993–94
(coalition)
13 Tomiichi Murayama
(b. 1924)
Rep for
Ōita 1st
25 September 1993 19 January 1996
1993
Tomiichi Murayama – 65446
Masatoshi Ito – 18075
1996
Tomiichi Murayama – 57591
Tadatoshi Akiba – 10440
Hata 1994
himself 1994–96
Hashimoto 1996–98
(coalition, confidence and supply)
Successor party: Social Democratic Party (centre-left to left-wing)

Election results

General election results

House of Representatives
Election Leader Seats Position Constituency votes Status
No. ± Share Number %
1946 Tetsu Katayama
92 / 468
19.6% 3rd 9,924,930 17.90% Opposition
1947 Tetsu Katayama
143 / 466
Increase 51 30.7% Increase 1st 7,176,882 26.23% JSP- DP- NCP coalition
(until 1948)
Opposition
(since 1948)
1949 Tetsu Katayama
48 / 466
Decrease 95 10.3% Decrease 3rd 4,129,794 13.50% Opposition
1952 Jōtarō Kawakami
Mosaburō Suzuki
111 / 466
Increase 63 23.8% Increase 2nd 7,507,842 21.24% Opposition
1953 Jōtarō Kawakami
Mosaburō Suzuki
138 / 466
Increase 27 29.6% Steady 2nd 9,194,547 26.57% Opposition
1955 Jōtarō Kawakami
Mosaburō Suzuki
156 / 467
Increase 18 33.4% Steady 2nd 10,812,905 29.21% Opposition
1958 Mosaburō Suzuki
166 / 467
Increase 10 35.5% Steady 2nd 13,093,993 32.94% Opposition
1960 Saburō Eda
145 / 467
Decrease 21 31.0% Steady 2nd 10,887,134 27.56% Opposition
1963 Jōtarō Kawakami
144 / 467
Decrease 1 30.8% Steady 2nd 11,906,766 29.03% Opposition
1967 Kōzō Sasaki
140 / 486
Decrease 4 28.8% Steady 2nd 12,826,104 27.88% Opposition
1969 Tomomi Narita
90 / 486
Decrease 50 18.5% Steady 2nd 10,074,101 21.44% Opposition
1972 Tomomi Narita
118 / 491
Increase 28 24.0% Steady 2nd 11,478,142 21.90% Opposition
1976 Tomomi Narita
123 / 511
Increase 5 24.1% Steady 2nd 11,713,009 20.69% Opposition
1979 Ichio Asukata
107 / 511
Decrease 16 20.9% Steady 2nd 10,643,450 19.71% Opposition
1980 Ichio Asukata
107 / 511
Steady 0 20.9% Steady 2nd 11,400,748 19.31% Opposition
1983 Masashi Ishibashi
112 / 511
Increase 5 21.9% Steady 2nd 11,065,083 19.49% Opposition
1986 Masashi Ishibashi
85 / 512
Decrease 27 16.6% Steady 2nd 10,412,584 17.23% Opposition
1990 Takako Doi
136 / 512
Increase 51 26.6% Steady 2nd 16,025,472 24.39% Opposition
1993 Sadao Yamahana
70 / 511
Decrease 66 13.7% Steady 2nd 9,687,589 15.43% JSP- Komeito- JRP- JNP- DSP- NPS-DRP- SDF coalition
(until 1994)
LDP–JSP– NPS coalition
(until 1996)

Councillors election results

Election Leader No. of
seats total
No. of
seats won
No. of
National votes
% of
National vote
No. of
Prefectural votes
% of
Prefectural vote
Japanese Socialist Party era
1947 Tetsu Katayama
47 / 250
3,479,814 16.4% 4,901,341 23.0%
1950 Tetsu Katayama
61 / 250
36 / 125
4,854,629 17.3% 7,316,808 25.2%
1953 Mosaburō Suzuki
66 / 250
28 / 125
5,559,875 20.7% 6,870,640 24.5%
1956 Mosaburō Suzuki
80 / 250
49 / 127
8,549,940 29.9% 11,156,060 37.6%
1959 Mosaburō Suzuki
85 / 250
38 / 127
7,794,754 26.5% 10,265,394 34.1%
1962 Jōtarō Kawakami
66 / 250
37 / 127
8,666,910 24.2% 11,917,675 32.8%
1965 Kōzō Sasaki
73 / 251
36 / 127
8,729,655 23.4% 12,346,650 32.8%
1968 Tomomi Narita
65 / 250
28 / 126
8,542,199 19.8% 12,617,680 29.2%
1971 Tomomi Narita
66 / 249
39 / 125
8,494,264 21.3% 12,597,644 31.2%
1974 Tomomi Narita
62 / 250
28 / 130
7,990,457 15.2% 13,907,865 26.0%
1977 Ichio Asukata
56 / 249
27 / 126
8,805,617 17.3% 13,403,216
1980 Ichio Asukata
47 / 250
22 / 126
7,341,828 13.1% 12,715,880
1983 Ichio Asukata
44 / 252
22 / 126
7,590,331 16.3% 11,217,515
1986 Takako Doi
41 / 252
20 / 126
9,869,088 12,464,579
1989 Takako Doi
68 / 252
45 / 126
19,688,252 35.1% 15,009,451 26.4%
1992 Takako Doi
71 / 252
22 / 126
7,981,726 17.8% 7,147,140 15.8%
1995 Tomiichi Murayama
37 / 252
16 / 126
6,882,919 16.9% 4,926,003 11.9%

See also

References

  1. ^ 社会新報とは § ブリタニカ国際大百科事典 小項目事典の解説 [What is Shakai Shimpō? § The Encyclopædia Britannica: Micropædia's explanation]. kotobank.jp (in Japanese). The Asahi Shimbun Company. Retrieved 22 November 2020.
  2. ^ "Social Democratic Party of Japan | political party, Japan". Encyclopædia Britannica Online. Encyclopædia Britannica, Inc. Retrieved 22 November 2020.
  3. ^ a b c d Akito Okada, ed. (2022). Japan's School Curriculum for The 2020s: Politics, Policy, and Pedagogy. Springer Nature. p. 14. ISBN  9789811920769. Generally speaking, the LDP is a conservative party spanning the right-wing, while the JSP was a left-wing, progressive party.
  4. ^ Docherty, James C.; Lamb, Peter (2006). Historical Dictionary of Socialism. Historical Dictionaries of Religions, Philosophies, and Movements Series (2nd ed.). The Scarecrow Press. p. 186. ISBN  978-0-8108-5560-1. Retrieved 22 November 2020.
  5. ^ a b ブリタニカ国際大百科事典 小項目事典の解説 [The Encyclopædia Britannica: Micropædia's explanation]. kotobank.jp (in Japanese). The Asahi Shimbun Company. Retrieved 22 November 2020.
  6. ^ a b Taguchi, Fukuji. 日本大百科全書(ニッポニカ)の解説 [The Nihon Dai Hyakka Zensho: Nipponica's explanation]. kotobank.jp (in Japanese). The Asahi Shimbun Company. Retrieved 19 November 2020.
  7. ^ Ken Saito (2019). 圖說日本大事記:1945–2017,改變與形塑現代日本的百大事件. 麥浩斯. p. 50. ISBN  978-986-408-463-0.
  8. ^ "国会議員情報". 社民党 SDP Japan (in Japanese). Retrieved 16 July 2022.
  9. ^ Cole, Totten & Uyehara 1966, pp. 7–8.
  10. ^ Cole, Totten & Uyehara 1966, pp. 3–4.
  11. ^ Cole, Totten & Uyehara 1966, pp. 4.
  12. ^ Cole, Totten & Uyehara 1966, pp. 10–11.
  13. ^ Cole, Totten & Uyehara 1966, pp. 12–13.
  14. ^ Cole, Totten & Uyehara 1966, pp. 15.
  15. ^ Cole, Totten & Uyehara 1966, pp. 17.
  16. ^ Lee, Yong Wook (2004). "The Origin of One Party Domination: America's Reverse Course and the Emergence of the Liberal Democratic Party in Japan". The Journal of East Asian Affairs. 18 (2): 388. JSTOR  23258199. Retrieved 26 January 2021.
  17. ^ Cole, Totten & Uyehara 1966, pp. 22–25.
  18. ^ Cole, Totten & Uyehara 1966, pp. 24.
  19. ^ Takemae, Eiji (January 2003). Allied Occupation of Japan. A&C Black. ISBN  9780826415219. Archived from the original on 3 May 2018. Retrieved 12 July 2015.
  20. ^ "Occupation and Reconstruction of Japan, 1945–52". Retrieved 26 January 2021. By late 1947 and early 1948, the emergence of an economic crisis in Japan alongside concerns about the spread of communism sparked a reconsideration of occupation policies. This period is sometimes called the 'reverse course.'
  21. ^ Schonberger, Howard B. (1989). Aftermath of War: Americans and the Remaking of Japan, 1945–1952. Kent, Ohio: The Kent State University Press. pp. 64–72. ISBN  0-87338-382-6.
  22. ^ Dower, John W.; Hirata, Tetsuo. "Japan's Red Purge: Lessons from a Saga of Suppression of Free Speech and Thought". The Asia-Pacific Journal. 5 (7): 3. Retrieved 26 January 2021.
  23. ^ Cole, Totten & Uyehara 1966, pp. 26–29.
  24. ^ Cole, Totten & Uyehara 1966, pp. 29–30.
  25. ^ Cole, Totten & Uyehara 1966, pp. 30.
  26. ^ Cole, Totten & Uyehara 1966, pp. 32.
  27. ^ Cole, Totten & Uyehara 1966, pp. 34–36.
  28. ^ Cole, Totten & Uyehara 1966, pp. 51.
  29. ^ Cole, Totten & Uyehara 1966, pp. 38.
  30. ^ Cole, Totten & Uyehara 1966, pp. 40–41.
  31. ^ Cole, Totten & Uyehara 1966, pp. 43.
  32. ^ Cole, Totten & Uyehara 1966, pp. 44–45.
  33. ^ Cole, Totten & Uyehara 1966, pp. 48–50, 53–55.
  34. ^ Kapur 2018, pp. 109–112.
  35. ^ Kapur 2018, pp. 109–113.
  36. ^ a b c d Kapur 2018, p. 127.
  37. ^ Kapur 2018, pp. 121–126.
  38. ^ Kapur 2018, p. 114.
  39. ^ Kapur 2018, pp. 116–121.
  40. ^ Kapur 2018, pp. 118.
  41. ^ a b c Kapur 2018, pp. 124.
  42. ^ a b c d e Kapur 2018, p. 125.
  43. ^ Kapur 2018, pp. 125–126.
  44. ^ MacDougall, Terry (2001). "Towards Political Inclusiveness: The Changing Role of Local Government in Japan" (PDF). The World Bank Institute. p. 11. Archived from the original (PDF) on 2 December 2012. Retrieved 20 April 2012.
  45. ^ Hein, Carola; Pelletier, Philippe (2006). Cities, Autonomy, and Decentralization in Japan. Routledge. p. 131. ISBN  9781134341504. Archived from the original on 27 November 2016. Retrieved 12 July 2015.
  46. ^ Muramatsu, Michio; Iqbal, Farrukh; Kume, Ikuo (2001). Local Government Development in Post-war Japan. Oxford University Press. p. 51. ISBN  9780199248285.
  47. ^ Gaunder, Alisa (25 February 2011). Routledge Handbook of Japanese Politics. Taylor & Francis. ISBN  9781136818387. Archived from the original on 27 November 2016. Retrieved 12 July 2015.
  48. ^ "FEATURE: Seeds planted by 'progressive' governments still sprouting in Japan". Retrieved 12 July 2015.
  49. ^ "Controlled Decentralization: Local Governments and the Ministry of Home Affairs in Japan" (PDF). Archived (PDF) from the original on 12 July 2015. Retrieved 10 August 2013.
  50. ^ Tsuzuki, Chushichi (13 April 2000). The Pursuit of Power in Modern Japan 1825–1995. OUP Oxford. ISBN  9780191542459. Archived from the original on 3 May 2018. Retrieved 12 July 2015.
  51. ^ 福岡義登 (1985). "江田三郎先生を偲んで". In 日本社会党前議員会 (ed.). 日本社会党歴代委員長の思い出: 亡くなられた委員長をしのぶ. 日本社会党前議員会. p. 319.
  52. ^ 社会民主連合. 朝日新聞社Kotobank. Archived from the original on 26 February 2020. Retrieved 26 February 2020.
  53. ^ 江田三郎. 朝日新聞社Kotobank. Archived from the original on 26 February 2020. Retrieved 26 February 2020.
  54. ^ Ian Neary (12 October 2012). War, Revolution and Japan. Taylor & Francis. pp. 141–. ISBN  978-1-873410-08-0. Retrieved 29 January 2013.
  55. ^ Ralf Kleinfeld; Carmen Schmidt, eds. (2019). The Crisis of Democracy? Chances, Risks and Challenges in Japan (Asia) and Germany (Europe). Cambridge Scholars Publishing. p. 200. ISBN  9781527542419. After the merger of the conservative and center-left camp in 1955, and the formation of the conservative LDP and the center-left JSP (Japan Socialist Party), the LDP upheld the position of the ruling party until 1993.
  56. ^ Sandra Buckley, ed. (2009). The Encyclopedia of Contemporary Japanese Culture. Taylor & Francis. p. 544. ISBN  9780415481526. Sanbetsu was closely tied to the Japan Communist Party and the far left wing of the Japan Socialist Party.
  57. ^ Japan. U.S. Department of Labor, Bureau of International Labor Affairs. 1989. p. 4. ... Confederation) and Zenrokyo (the National Labor Union Consultative Council), were also formed, representing unions associated with the Japan Communist Party and a far-left faction of the Japan Socialist Party, respectively.
  58. ^ 高山直人 (2019). 左翼大辞典. 明哲の舎. p. 7. GGKEY:9NSLG3F0CUC.
  59. ^ Arthur Stockwin; Kweku Ampiah, eds. (2017). Rethinking Japan: The Politics of Contested Nationalism. Lexington Books. p. 196. ISBN  9781498537933. ... of the debate is the left/liberal "peace movement" currently led by Japanese academics, including legal scholars, and more recently by students, but which until the end of the Cold War was spearheaded by the Japan Socialist Party.
  60. ^ Tetsuya Kataoka, ed. (1992). Creating Single-party Democracy: Japan's Postwar Political System. Hoover Institution Press. p. 2. ISBN  9780817991111. The constitution was defended by the JSP, the mainstay of kakushin (radical-liberal forces), ...
  61. ^ Ardath W. Burks, ed. (2019). Japan: A Postindustrial Power--third Edition, Revised And Updated. Routledge. ISBN  9780429718953. After Takako Doi became party leader, the JSP established a European-style democratic socialism line.
  62. ^ Arthur Stockwin, ed. (2022). The Failure of Political Opposition in Japan: Implications for Democracy and a Vision of the Future. Taylor & Francis. ISBN  9789811920769. The Murayama government had a number of broadly left-liberal reforms to its credit.
  63. ^ American Assembly; Willard Long Thorp, eds. (1964). Japan's School Curriculum for The 2020s: Politics, Policy, and Pedagogy. Prentice-Hall. p. 17. It is no accident that Japanese radical liberalism and democratic socialism were both closely connected in their beginnings with the Christian movement in Japan. The first Japanese Socialist Party was born in an Americansponsored Christian church in Tokyo, and the majority of its members were Christians with intimate American connections.
  64. ^ 조선사회민주당 중앙위원회, ed. (1992). 조선사회민주당. 조선사회민주당출판사.
  65. ^ "일본 정치인의 40분 연설 "김대중 정신 일본사회가 배워야"". OhmyNews. 19 August 2021. Retrieved 22 April 2023.

Bibliography

Works cited

  • Cole, Allan; Totten, George; Uyehara, Cecil (1966). Socialist Parties In Postwar Japan. Yale University Press.
From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia

Japan Socialist Party
日本社会党
Nippon shakai-tō or Nihon shakai-tō
Leader
Founded2 November 1945; 78 years ago (1945-11-02)
Dissolved19 January 1996; 28 years ago (1996-01-19)
Succeeded by Social Democratic Party
HeadquartersSocial & Cultural Center 1-8-1 Nagata-cho, Chiyoda-ku, Tokyo
Newspaper Shakai Shimpō [ ja] [1]
Ideology
Political position Left-wing [2] [3]
Factions:
Centre-left [A] to far-left [B]
International affiliation Socialist International [4]
Colors  Blue
Party flag

^ A:  Right Socialist Party of Japan
^ B:  Left Socialist Party of Japan

The Japan Socialist Party (日本社会党, Nihon Shakai-tō, abbr. JSP) was a socialist and progressive [3] political party in Japan that existed from 1945 to 1996. The party was founded as the Social Democratic Party of Japan by members of several proletarian parties that existed before World War II, including the Social Mass Party, the Labour-Farmer Party, and the Japan Labour-Farmer Party. The party represented the Japanese left after the war, and was a major opponent of the right-wing Liberal Democratic Party. [3]

The JSP was briefly in power from 1947 to 1948. From 1951 to 1955, the JSP was divided into the Left Socialist Party and the Right Socialist Party. In 1955, Japan's two major conservative parties merged to form the Liberal Democratic Party (LDP), establishing the so-called 1955 System, which allowed the party to near-continuously hold power since. The JSP was the largest opposition party but was incapable of forming government. Nonetheless, the JSP managed to hold about one third of the seats in the National Diet during this period, preventing the LDP from revising the Constitution of Japan. [5] [6] [7]

In the late 1980s and early 1990s, the JSP under the leadership of Takako Doi earned a record-high number of seats. However, the establishment and electoral success of new conservative parties in the mid-1990s took the JSP by surprise and its share of seats in the National Diet decreased significantly. The party was formally dissolved in 1996. Its successor is the Social Democratic Party, a minor party holding two parliamentary seats, one each in the Houses of Representatives and Councillors as of 2022. [8]

Two Japanese prime ministers, Tetsu Katayama and Tomiichi Murayama, were members of the JSP.

History

Foundation

The two major left-wing political parties in Japan in the 1930s were the Labour-Farmer Masses Party and Social Democratic Party. They merged into the Shakai Taishūtō in 1932, and were the third-largest party in the after the 1937 election. It was dissolved in 1940 due to the Imperial Rule Assistance Association. [9]

Suehiro Nishio started talking about creating a new socialist party with Chōzaburō Mizutani and Komakichi Matsuoka shortly after Emperor Hirohito's surrender broadcast. Thirteen former members of the National Diet announced their intention to form a new party on 5 September 1945. This organization was officially formed on November 2. It was given the Japanese name Nihon Shakai-tō (Socialist Party of Japan), but given the official English name of Social Democratic Party of Japan. [10]

An inaugural committee of 25 members was formed. The founding convention was chaired by Tetsu Katayama and Nishio was elected General Secretary. Nishio, Mizutani, and other inaugural committee members were appointed to the party's Executive Committee. [11]

Katayama government

Former JSP Head Office in Nagatacho, the Social & Cultural Center (社会文化会館)

The Japanese Communist Party (JCP), unbanned and its leaders freed from prison in October 1945, asked the JSP to form a common political front of Japan's democratic parties. The JSP declined stating that neither had formally established their parties or policies yet. The JSP believed that the coalition would aid the party, but did not believe that the JSP was organized enough to maintain control over it. Morito Tatsuo proposed the creation of a Democratic League for National Salvation after the 1946 election so that the JSP could establish itself as the leader. [12]

The JSP initially selected a limited amount of candidates for the 1946 elections. However, the party drastically increased its candidate amount after the Purge Directive, issued on 4 January 1946, greatly reduced the membership of right-wing parties. Conservatives attempted to form a government with right-wing members of the JSP, but the Liberal Party and JSP were unable to. [13]

The JSP rejected an offer from the JCP to work together in the 1947 election. The JSP became the largest party in the election with 143 seats. [14] It formed a coalition government under Katayama with the Democratic Party and the Citizens' Cooperation Party. Katayama was the first socialist to lead Japan. [15] Katayama's coalition fell in February 1948, in large part due to inexperience and subsequent poor performance in leading the government. [16] A new cabinet was formed under the leadership of Hitoshi Ashida, a member of the Democrats. Ashida's tenure was marked by labor disputes and he resigned after eight months due to a corruption scandal. A caretaker government was formed under the leadership of Shigeru Yoshida. [17]

Members of Hisao Kuroda's JSP faction in the Diet were expelled after voting against the budget during Ashida's tenure. Kuroda and his supporters broke away and formed the Labourers and Farmers Party. The JSP attempted to delay the 1949 election as it feared massive losses. The JSP's seat total fell from 148 to 48. [18]

In the period following the end of World War II, the JSP played a key role in the drafting of the new Japanese constitution, adding progressive articles related to issues such as health, welfare and working conditions. [19] Unfortunately for the JSP and the broader Japanese left in the immediate postwar era, their time in power coincided with a change in U.S. policy towards Japan commonly known as the Reverse Course. [20] Beginning around 1947, and intensifying with the victory of the Communists over the Nationalists in the Chinese Civil War in 1949, the U.S. occupation government headed by Douglas MacArthur felt the need to revise its previously conciliatory stance towards the kinds of policies pursued by Japanese leftists, from the breakup of Zaibatsu, the country's business conglomerates, to land reform, to the ousting of nationalist figures in government. [21] Apart from reversing early steps taken towards implementing these policies, the U.S. occupation government oversaw and assisted in the purging of almost 30,000 workers deemed to be " red" between 1948 and 1950, frustrating leftist attempts to hold on to state power. [22]

Fracture and reunification

The party's 1949 convention was postponed until after the year's election. The party leadership, including multiple members of the Central Executive Committee, resigned following the party's defeat. The party's right-wing wanted to rename the organization to the Social Democratic Party while the left-wing wanted to retain its name, which was approved. The left-wing wanted the entire right-wing leadership to resign, Katayama retained as chairman, and Mosaburō Suzuki appointed as Secretary General. Inejirō Asanuma was the right-wing candidate for Secretary General. Asanuma defeated Suzuki in the nominating committee's vote with 31 to 30, but lost the convention vote 390 to 261. Katayama was reelected as chairman. [23]

By the time of the 1950 convention the party's factions formed two youth leagues. The left-wing controlled the official Youth Department while the right-wing formed the Independent Youth League. The Youth Department, which held its convention before the party's, demanded the expulsion of all members of the Independent Youth League and prepared a motion of no confidence against Katayama. The left-wing held greater control over the convention than in the previous year, holding almost all of the committee chairmanships. Katayama declined to run for reelection and the right-wing walked out of the convention. [24]

Members of the Diet who were not aligned with either faction formed the Unification Discussion Group. The two factions held separate conventions, but worked together in the Diet due to spring labor disputes and threats from the National Railway Workers' Union to pull its support for the party. The three groups reunited on 3 April, after three months of negation. The position of chairman was left vacant, but Asanuma was made Secretary General. The Central Executive Committee was divided between fifteen left-wingers, nine right-wingers, and six centrists. [25]

In the 1950 elections the JSP won the governorship of Kyoto Prefecture and became the second-largest party in the House of Councillors while the JCP declined in strength. [26] The party's factions were heavily divided over the Treaty of San Francisco and Treaty of Mutual Cooperation and Security between the United States and Japan. The party's convention was held on 23 October 1951, and divided into the Right Socialist Party of Japan and Left Socialist Party of Japan after seventeen hours. In the Diet the left-wing voted against both treaties while the right-wing opposed the peace treaty and supported the security treaty. [27] The party remained united at the prefecture level until the final prefecture division in 1953. [28]

The Left Socialists selected Suzuki as chairman and Masaru Nomizo as Secretary General while the Right Socialists selected Asanuma as Secretary General and left the position of chairman vacant. [29] At the time of the schism the JSP's Diet membership was divided into 30 Right Socialists and 16 Left Socialists. Their seat totals rose to 57 for the Right Socialists and 54 for the Left Socialists after the 1952 election. [30] Despite this divided membership the two groups worked together in the Diet with Kaishintō and disaffected Liberals to pass motions of no confidence against Minister of Finance Hayato Ikeda . [31]

In 1953, Yoshida lost a vote of no confidence to the socialists and conservatives after disaffected Liberals abstained and new elections were called. The Left Socialists overtook the Right Socialists in seat count in the general election. In the House of Councillors election the Left Socialists rose from 30 to 41 seats while the Right Socialists declined from 30 to 26 seats. The Right Socialists attempted to form a coalition with the Left Socialists, Kaishintō, and disaffected Liberals. This failed as Minoru Takano failed to convince the Left Socialists, who wanted Suzuki as prime minister, to accept Mamoru Shigemitsu, the Kaishintō leader, as prime minister. Yoshida became prime minister again after two ballots and Kaishintō announced that it would end its partnership with the socialists. [32]

Yoshida lost a motion of no confidence supported by the Japan Democratic Party and Socialists on 7 December 1954. Ichirō Hatoyama replaced him and new elections were called. The Left and Right Socialists, faced with Hatoyama's popularity, adopted the same platform. The two groups held conventions on 18 January 1955, in which they called to reunify after the election. The combined Socialist seat total, 156, was greater than their seat total during Katayama's government. Unification negotiation committees met in April and the platform it created was accepted by an united convention on 13 October. Suzuki was appointed as chairman and Asanuma as Secretary General. The Central Executive Committee and Control Commission was divided equally between the two factions. [33]

1960s

The party split again in 1960 because of internal disagreement over how to conduct the ongoing Anpo protests against revision of the Treaty of Mutual Cooperation and Security Between the United States and Japan, known as Anpo in Japanese, and whether or not to cooperate with the Communist Party of Japan in doing so. [34] On 24 January 1960, the right-most elements of the party led by Suehiro Nishio (a part of the old Right Socialist Party of Japan), broke away to form the Democratic Socialist Party, leaving the JSP slightly weakened. [35]

A further blow came in the fall of 1960 when the energetic JSP party chairman Inejiro Asanuma was assassinated by a right-wing youth, Otoya Yamaguchi, during a televised election debate. [36] Asanuma had been a charismatic figure who had been able to hold the antagonistic left and right factions of the party together through the force of his personality. [36] Asanuma's untimely death deprived the party of his adroit leadership, and thrust Saburō Eda into the leadership role instead. [36] A centrist, Eda rapidly took the party in a more centrist direction, far faster than the left socialists were ready to accept. [36] This led to growing infighting within the party, and drastically damaged its ability to present a cohesive message to the public. [37]

In particular, Eda earned the enmity of the party's left-wing due to his ambitious platform of "structural reform" (構造改革, kōzō kaikaku) and his related "Eda Vision" of socialism. [38] The "structural reform" platform drew inspiration from the recently concluded Anpo protests against the U.S.-Japan Security Treaty, which had achieved massive size and forced the resignation of conservative prime minister Nobusuke Kishi. Eda and his allies viewed these protests as having been an unalloyed success in having allowed the JSP to play a leading role in fomenting a mass movement. Eda's "structural reform" platform called for a combination of parliamentary pressure tactics and Anpo-style extra-parliamentary mass movements that would gradually move Japan toward socialism by forcing the government into a series of piecemeal concessions. [39] Above all, Eda and his fellow structural reformers hoped to broaden the base of the JSP beyond a hard core of labor unionists, leftist student activists, and Marxist intellectuals to encompass people from many walks of life, in order to dramatically increase the party's potential supporters at the polls. [40]

In an effort to build popular support for his reform program, Eda announced his "New Vision of Socialism", better known by its nickname, the "Eda Vision", in July 1962. [41] Eda declared that "[s]ocialism must be defined in sunny and cheerful terms that are easily understandable to the masses. I believe that 'socialism' is that which allows human potential to blossom to its fullest extent. The main four accomplishments that humankind has achieved so far are America's high standard of living, the Soviet Union's thoroughgoing social welfare system, England's parliamentary democracy, and Japan's peace constitution. I believe that if we can integrate these, we can give birth to a broad-based socialism." [41]

The "Eda Vision" of a more moderate form of socialism was received enthusiastically in the mainstream Japanese press, and polled well in public opinion polls. [41] However, the "Eda Vision" was also the final straw for the more orthodox Marxist left-wing factions in the JSP, who had already chafed against the moderate tone of Eda's "structural reform" platform. In particular, they could not accept praise of what they viewed as the "imperialist" United States and Great Britain, and the "deviationist" and "Stalinist" Soviet Union. [42] At the 22nd Party Congress in November 1962, the left-wing of the JSP revolted, and succeeded in persuading a majority of party members present to adopt an "Eda Vision Criticism Resolution" that renounced the "Eda Vision" as antithetical to core party principles. [42] Eda was forced to resign his position as Secretary General, and thereafter the party returned to a more dogmatically Marxist platform which emphasized the urban working classes as the party's main political base. [42]

Thereafter, a younger generation of reform-minded activists became disillusioned and began to drift away from the party. [42] At the same time, the emergence of the " Clean Government Party" (Kōmeitō, the political wing of the Sokka Gakkai Buddhist religious movement) and the increasing electoral success of the Japan Communist Party, began to eat away at the JSP's urban working class base. [42] The Socialists slipped in the polls in the 1967 election, lost more ground in the 1968 Upper House election, and suffered a crushing repudiation in 1969, when they lost 51 seats in the National Diet. [43]

1970s

In some regions, the party continued to perform well at the local level and by the 1970s many areas were run by JSP (or JSP-backed) mayors and governors, who supported environmental protection initiatives and introduced new social welfare programs. [44] [45] [46] [47] [48] [49] [50]

Meanwhile, Saburō Eda continued his efforts to reform the party and expand its base. Eda ran numerous times for the post of party chairman, but was unsuccessful, although he did serve a second stint as Secretary General from 1968 to 1970. Nevertheless, Eda remained popular among the broader Japanese public and in the mid-1970s conservative prime minister Kakuei Tanaka said at a press conference, "If the Japan Socialist Party were ever to make Eda its Chairman again, a general election would be terrifying. They would drastically expand their seats in the Diet." [51] Eda could never overcome the undying animosity his "Eda Vision" had won him from his party's left-wing.[ citation needed]

In 1976, Eda lost his reelection bid and was booted from the Diet. Blaming his loss on his party's dogmatic, doctrinaire Marxism and desperate for reform, he attempted to resign from the JSP but the party refused to accept his resignation and voted to expel him instead. The following year, Eda and Hideo Den (田英夫) led a small group of JSP Dietmembers to split from the JSP and form a new party called the Socialist Democratic Federation (社会民主連合). [52] [53]

1980s

In July 1986, under party chairman Masashi Ishibashi, the JSP suffered a disastrous double defeat in both houses of the National Diet in the simultaneously held 1986 Japanese general election and 1986 Japanese House of Councillors election. Losing in a rout to the Liberal Democratic Party (LDP) under popular prime minister Yasuhiro Nakasone, the JSP's seats in the lower house fell from 112 to a new all-time low of 85 and its share of the popular vote dropped from 19.5 percent to 17.2 percent. This defeat led the party to elect Takako Doi as party chair, making her the first woman to ever lead a Japanese political party. Doi was popular with the Japanese public led the JSP to an electoral comeback with an impressive showing in the 1990 Japanese general election, winning 136 seats and 24.4 percent of the vote. Some electoral districts had more than one successful socialist candidate. Doi's decision to put up more than one candidate for each of the 130 districts represented a controversial break with the past because unlike their LDP counterparts many party candidates did not want to run against each other; however, the great majority of the 149 socialist candidates who ran were successful, including seven of eight women.[ citation needed]

Doi, a university professor of constitutional law before entering politics, had a tough, straight-talking manner that appealed to voters tired of the evasiveness of other politicians. Many women found her a refreshing alternative to submissive female stereotypes and in the late 1980s the public at large in opinion polls voted her their favorite politician (the runner-up in these surveys was equally tough-talking conservative LDP member Shintarō Ishihara); however, Doi's popularity was of limited aid to the party, as the powerful Shakaishugi Kyokai (Japan Socialist Association), which was supported by a contingent of the party's 76,000-strong membership, remained committed to orthodox Marxism, impeding Doi's efforts to promote what she called perestroika and a more moderate program with greater voter appeal.[ citation needed]

In 1983, Doi's predecessor as chairman Masashi Ishibashi had begun the delicate process of moving the party away from its strong opposition to the Self-Defense Forces. While maintaining that these forces were unconstitutional in light of Article 9, he claimed that because they had been established through legal procedures, they had a legitimate status (this phrasing was changed a year later to say that the Self-Defense Forces exist legally). Ishibashi also broke past precedent by visiting Washington to talk with United States political leaders. By the end of the decade, the party had accepted the Self-Defense Forces and the 1960 U.S.-Japan Security Treaty. It advocated strict limitations on military spending (no more than 1 percent of GNP annually), a suspension of joint military exercises with United States forces, and a reaffirmation of the three non-nuclear principles (no production, possession, or introduction of nuclear weapons into Japanese territory).[ citation needed]

Doi expressed support for balanced ties with the Democratic People's Republic of Korea ( North Korea) and the Republic of Korea ( South Korea). In the past, the party had favored the Kim Il Sung regime in Pyongyang and in the early 1990s it still refused to recognize the normalization of relations between Tokyo and Seoul with Treaty on Basic Relations between Japan and the Republic of Korea (1965). In domestic policy, the party demanded the continued protection of agriculture and small business in the face of foreign pressure, abolition of the consumption tax and an end to the construction and use of nuclear power reactors. As a symbolic gesture to reflect its new moderation, the party dropped its commitment to socialist revolution at its April 1990 convention and described its goal as social democracy, [54] the creation of a society in which "all people fairly enjoy the fruits of technological advancement and modern civilization and receive the benefits of social welfare." Delegates also elected Doi to a third term as party chairwoman.[ citation needed]

Because of the party's self-definition as a class-based party and its symbiotic relationship with the General Council of Trade Unions of Japan (Sōhyō), the public-sector workers' confederation, few efforts were made to attract non-union constituencies. Although some Sōhyō unions supported the Japanese Communist Party, the party remained the representative of Sohyo's political interests until the merger with private-sector unions and the Japanese Trade Union Confederation (Rengō) in 1989. Because of declining union financial support during the 1980s, some party Diet members turned to dubious fund-raising methods. One was involved in the Recruit affair. Like other parties, it sold large blocks of fund-raising party tickets and the LDP even gave individual party Diet members funds from time to time to persuade them to cooperate in passing difficult legislation.[ citation needed]

1990s

As part of the fallout of the Recruit Scandal, the party secured a mere 70 seats (down from 137) in the 1993 Japanese general election while the LDP lost its majority in the lower house for the first time since the 1983 Japanese general election and was out of government for the first time in 38 years. The anti-LDP coalition government of Morihiro Hosokawa was formed by reformists who had triggered the 1993 election by leaving the LDP ( Japan Renewal Party and New Party Sakigake), a liberal party formed only a year before ( Japan New Party), the traditional centre-left opposition ( Kōmeitō, Democratic Socialist Party and Socialist Democratic Federation) and the Democratic Reform Party, the political arm of the Rengō trade union federation, together with the JSP. In 1994, the JSP and the New Sakigake Party decided to leave the non-LDP coalition. The minority Hata cabinet lasted only a few weeks.[ citation needed]

The JSP then formed a grand coalition (dai-renritsu) government with the LDP and the New Party Sakigake under JSP Prime Minister Tomiichi Murayama, who was leader of the party from 1993 to 1996. Most of the other parties from the anti-LDP coalition, now forced back into opposition, united to form the New Frontier Party (NFP), which overtook the JSP as second largest political party in Japan. The JSP suffered a defeat in the 1995 Japanese House of Councillors election. In January 1996, the New Socialist Party of Japan split off from the JSP, Murayama resigned as Prime Minister, and the JSP changed its name from the JSP to the Social Democratic Party (SDP) as an interim party for forming a new party.[ citation needed]

An illustration of the history of JSP

Ideology

The JSP is generally regarded as having been a progressive " left-wing" party that opposed the conservative " right-wing" Liberal Democratic Party (LDP). [3] The JSP is also considered a centre-left party, [55] but there was a far-left faction within the party. [56] [57] The so-called "leftists" in the JSP were Marxists in favour of scientific socialism. By contrast, the so-called "rightists" were in favour of social democracy and aimed at establishing a welfare state. [58]

The JSP supported a neutralist foreign policy and opposed amending the Constitution of Japan, especially the Article 9 of the Constitution of Japan. [5] [6] Japan's left-wing liberalism emerged as a "peace movement" and was largely led by the JSP. [59] The party was generally the mainstay of the " Kakushin" (radical-liberal forces) camp. [60]

After Takako Doi became party leader, the JSP established a European-style democratic socialism line. [61] Apart from the party's socialist identity, the Murayama Cabinet, which came to power between 1994 and 1996, supported social-liberal reform. [62]

The JSP opposed Shintoist social conservatism, and was politically friendly with Christianity in the United States. There were quite a few Christians in the JSP. Former Japanese Prime Minister Tetsu Katayama was also a Christian. [63]

The party interacted with the North Korea's Korean Social Democratic Party. [64] The party was also strongly opposed to the far-right South Korea's anti-communist dictatorship, including Park Chung Hee and Chun Doo-hwan, and allied with South Korean liberals, including Kim Dae-jung. [65]

Leaders

No. Photo Name
(Birth–death)
Constituency / title Term of office Election results Prime Minister (term)
Took office Left office
Chair of the Social Democratic Party of Japan (1946–1950)
1 Tetsu Katayama
(1887–1978)
Rep for
Kanagawa 3rd
28 September 1946 16 January 1950 Yoshida 1946–47
himself 1947–48
Ashida 1948
Yoshida 1948–54
Chair of the Social Democratic Party of Japan, Right (1951–1955)
Jōtarō Kawakami
(1889–1965)
Rep for
Hyogo 1st
19 January 1951 12 October 1955 Yoshida 1948–54
Hatoyama I. 1954–56
Chair of the Japanese Socialist Party, Left (1951–1955)
Suzuki Mosaburō
(1893–1970)
Rep for
Tokyo 3rd
18 January 1951 12 October 1955 Yoshida 1948–54
Hatoyama I. 1954–56
Chair of the Social Democratic Party of Japan, Unified (1955–1996)
2 Suzuki Mosaburō
(1893–1970)
Rep for
Tokyo 3rd
12 October 1955 23 March 1960 Hatoyama I. 1954–56
Ishibashi 1956–57
Kishi 1957–60
3 Inejiro Asanuma
(1898–1960)
Rep for
Tokyo 1st
23 March 1960 12 October 1960
(assassinated)
1960
Inejirō Asanuma – 228
Jōtarō Kawakami – 206
Ikeda 1960–64
Saburō Eda
(1907–1977)
(acting)
Cou for
Okayama at-large
12 October 1960 6 March 1961
4 Jōtarō Kawakami
(1889–1965)
Rep for
Hyogo 1st
6 March 1961 6 May 1965
Satō 1964–72
5 Kouzou Sasaki
(1900–1985)
Rep for
Miyagi 1st
6 May 1965 19 August 1967
January 1966
Kozo Sasaki – 295
Saburō Eda – 276
December 1966
Kozo Sasaki – 313
Saburō Eda – 274
6 Seiichi Katsumata
(1908–1989)
Rep for
Shizuoka 2nd
19 August 1967 4 October 1968
7 Tomomi Narita
(1912–1979)
Rep for
Kagawa 1st
30 November 1968 26 September 1977
1970
Tomomi Narita – 207
Saburō Eda – 148
Tanaka K. 1972–74
Miki 1974–76
Fukuda T. 1976–78
8 Ichio Asukata
(1915–1990)
Rep for
Tokyo 1st
13 December 1977 7 September 1983
1981
Ichio Asukata – 39379
Sanji Mutō – 14721
Shōichi Shimodaira – 3425
Ōhira 1978–80
Ito 1980 (Acting)
Suzuki Z. 1980–82
Nakasone 1982–87
9 Masashi Ishibashi
(1924–2019)
Rep for
Nagasaki 2nd
7 September 1983 8 September 1986
10 Takako Doi
(1928–2014)
Rep for
Hyogo 2nd
9 September 1986 31 July 1991
1986
Takako Doi – 58670
Tetsu Ueda – 11748
Takeshita 1987–89
Uno 1989
Kaifu 1989–91
11 Makoto Tanabe
(1922–2015)
Rep for
Gunma 1st
31 July 1991 19 January 1993
1991
Makoto Tanabe – 46363
Tetsu Ueda – 36358
Miyazawa 1991–93
12 Sadao Yamahana
(1936–1999)
Rep for
Tokyo 11th
19 January 1993 25 September 1993
Hosokawa 1993–94
(coalition)
13 Tomiichi Murayama
(b. 1924)
Rep for
Ōita 1st
25 September 1993 19 January 1996
1993
Tomiichi Murayama – 65446
Masatoshi Ito – 18075
1996
Tomiichi Murayama – 57591
Tadatoshi Akiba – 10440
Hata 1994
himself 1994–96
Hashimoto 1996–98
(coalition, confidence and supply)
Successor party: Social Democratic Party (centre-left to left-wing)

Election results

General election results

House of Representatives
Election Leader Seats Position Constituency votes Status
No. ± Share Number %
1946 Tetsu Katayama
92 / 468
19.6% 3rd 9,924,930 17.90% Opposition
1947 Tetsu Katayama
143 / 466
Increase 51 30.7% Increase 1st 7,176,882 26.23% JSP- DP- NCP coalition
(until 1948)
Opposition
(since 1948)
1949 Tetsu Katayama
48 / 466
Decrease 95 10.3% Decrease 3rd 4,129,794 13.50% Opposition
1952 Jōtarō Kawakami
Mosaburō Suzuki
111 / 466
Increase 63 23.8% Increase 2nd 7,507,842 21.24% Opposition
1953 Jōtarō Kawakami
Mosaburō Suzuki
138 / 466
Increase 27 29.6% Steady 2nd 9,194,547 26.57% Opposition
1955 Jōtarō Kawakami
Mosaburō Suzuki
156 / 467
Increase 18 33.4% Steady 2nd 10,812,905 29.21% Opposition
1958 Mosaburō Suzuki
166 / 467
Increase 10 35.5% Steady 2nd 13,093,993 32.94% Opposition
1960 Saburō Eda
145 / 467
Decrease 21 31.0% Steady 2nd 10,887,134 27.56% Opposition
1963 Jōtarō Kawakami
144 / 467
Decrease 1 30.8% Steady 2nd 11,906,766 29.03% Opposition
1967 Kōzō Sasaki
140 / 486
Decrease 4 28.8% Steady 2nd 12,826,104 27.88% Opposition
1969 Tomomi Narita
90 / 486
Decrease 50 18.5% Steady 2nd 10,074,101 21.44% Opposition
1972 Tomomi Narita
118 / 491
Increase 28 24.0% Steady 2nd 11,478,142 21.90% Opposition
1976 Tomomi Narita
123 / 511
Increase 5 24.1% Steady 2nd 11,713,009 20.69% Opposition
1979 Ichio Asukata
107 / 511
Decrease 16 20.9% Steady 2nd 10,643,450 19.71% Opposition
1980 Ichio Asukata
107 / 511
Steady 0 20.9% Steady 2nd 11,400,748 19.31% Opposition
1983 Masashi Ishibashi
112 / 511
Increase 5 21.9% Steady 2nd 11,065,083 19.49% Opposition
1986 Masashi Ishibashi
85 / 512
Decrease 27 16.6% Steady 2nd 10,412,584 17.23% Opposition
1990 Takako Doi
136 / 512
Increase 51 26.6% Steady 2nd 16,025,472 24.39% Opposition
1993 Sadao Yamahana
70 / 511
Decrease 66 13.7% Steady 2nd 9,687,589 15.43% JSP- Komeito- JRP- JNP- DSP- NPS-DRP- SDF coalition
(until 1994)
LDP–JSP– NPS coalition
(until 1996)

Councillors election results

Election Leader No. of
seats total
No. of
seats won
No. of
National votes
% of
National vote
No. of
Prefectural votes
% of
Prefectural vote
Japanese Socialist Party era
1947 Tetsu Katayama
47 / 250
3,479,814 16.4% 4,901,341 23.0%
1950 Tetsu Katayama
61 / 250
36 / 125
4,854,629 17.3% 7,316,808 25.2%
1953 Mosaburō Suzuki
66 / 250
28 / 125
5,559,875 20.7% 6,870,640 24.5%
1956 Mosaburō Suzuki
80 / 250
49 / 127
8,549,940 29.9% 11,156,060 37.6%
1959 Mosaburō Suzuki
85 / 250
38 / 127
7,794,754 26.5% 10,265,394 34.1%
1962 Jōtarō Kawakami
66 / 250
37 / 127
8,666,910 24.2% 11,917,675 32.8%
1965 Kōzō Sasaki
73 / 251
36 / 127
8,729,655 23.4% 12,346,650 32.8%
1968 Tomomi Narita
65 / 250
28 / 126
8,542,199 19.8% 12,617,680 29.2%
1971 Tomomi Narita
66 / 249
39 / 125
8,494,264 21.3% 12,597,644 31.2%
1974 Tomomi Narita
62 / 250
28 / 130
7,990,457 15.2% 13,907,865 26.0%
1977 Ichio Asukata
56 / 249
27 / 126
8,805,617 17.3% 13,403,216
1980 Ichio Asukata
47 / 250
22 / 126
7,341,828 13.1% 12,715,880
1983 Ichio Asukata
44 / 252
22 / 126
7,590,331 16.3% 11,217,515
1986 Takako Doi
41 / 252
20 / 126
9,869,088 12,464,579
1989 Takako Doi
68 / 252
45 / 126
19,688,252 35.1% 15,009,451 26.4%
1992 Takako Doi
71 / 252
22 / 126
7,981,726 17.8% 7,147,140 15.8%
1995 Tomiichi Murayama
37 / 252
16 / 126
6,882,919 16.9% 4,926,003 11.9%

See also

References

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Bibliography

Works cited

  • Cole, Allan; Totten, George; Uyehara, Cecil (1966). Socialist Parties In Postwar Japan. Yale University Press.

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