Guido Rossi | |
---|---|
Member of the Senate of the Republic | |
In office 2 July 1987 – 22 April 1992 | |
Constituency | Lombardia |
Extraordinary commissioner of FIGC | |
In office 16 May 2006 – 19 September 2006 | |
Preceded by | Franco Carraro (as president of FIGC) |
Succeeded by | Luca Pancalli |
Personal details | |
Born | Milan, Italy | 16 March 1931
Died | 21 August 2017 Milan, Italy | (aged 86)
Political party | Italian Communist Party |
Other political affiliations | Independent Left |
Spouse | Francesca |
Children | 3, including Sara and Livia |
Profession | Jurist, lawyer, politician |
Guido Rossi (16 March 1931 – 21 August 2017) was an Italian jurist, lawyer, and politician.
Rossi was born in Milan on 16 March 1931. [1] He studied at the Ghislieri College from 1948 to 1953, and graduated in law from the University of Pavia. [2] In 1954, he obtained a Master of Laws at Harvard University. [3] As a former professor of commercial law, comparative private law, and philosophy of law in Trieste, Venice, Pavia, and Milan at the Statale, Bocconi, and Vita-Salute San Raffaele universities, he was appointed president of Consob, Italy's equivalent of the Securities and Exchange Commission, [4] in 1981. [3] A member of the Senate of the Republic for the Italian Communist Party and later the Independent Left in the Legislature X of Italy from 1987 to 1992, [nb 1] he was the promoter of antitrust legislation in Italy. [6] He later led Ferruzzi-Montedison, [7] [8] and then Telecom Italia. [9] [10]
For a year in the 2000s, Rossi defended the Dutch bank Abn Amro. [11] [12] In 2003, he defended Cesare Geronzi, the president of Capitalia, who was involved in the Cirio and Parmalat scandals. [13] In 2006, he was appointed extraordinary commissioner of the Italian Football Federation (FIGC) to manage the emergency situation created after the Calciopoli scandal. [3] On 15 September 2006, following the resignation of Marco Tronchetti Provera, [14] he was reappointed president of Telecom Italia, [3] and told a parliamentary committee in Rome that the company would cut its debt to €38 billion by the end of the year from €41.3 billion in June. [15] He held this position until 6 April 2007. [16] [17] [18] In 2008, in an attempt to relaunch the company in crisis of sales, [19] he became a consultant for Fiat. [20] [21]
Rossi was editor-in-chief of the magazines Rivista delle Società and Banca, Borsa e Titoli di Credito, [22] as well as a columnist for il manifesto and Il Sole 24 Ore. [23] On 4 May 2011, he was appointed ethical guarantor of Consob, a position from which he resigned on 26 October 2012. [24] In 2013, he described Bitcoin as "a risky instrument", and compared it to derivatives, and said it "can overturn the rules of capitalism." [25] Rossi died in Milan on 21 August 2017, aged 86. [26] He is survived by his wife Francesca and their daughters Sara and Livia, as well as a daughter from his previous marriage to Alessandra. As an atheist and in line with his personal views, no funeral was held. [5] In 2018, his name was inscribed in the Famedio inside the Monumental Cemetery of Milan. [27] [28] [29]
As the FIGC's extraordinary commissioner in the aftermath of the 2006 Italian football scandal, [30] [31] amid calls to have Marcello Lippi, the then Italy national football team, replaced by the likes of Carlo Ancelotti, Claudio Gentile, and Dino Zoff, Rossi was given the final decision. [32] From the beginning, he wanted to avoid any change, and he ultimately decided to keep Lippi; [33] he said that he had full trust in Lippi. [34] After leading Italy to win the 2006 FIFA World Cup, the team's first World Cup since 1982, despite Rossi's attempts to convince him to stay, saying that "he should remain by popular acclamation because he is the right coach for this national team", [35] Lippi decided to leave, citing insults to himself and his son. [36]
Rossi's stint as the FIGC's extraordinary commissioner during the Calciopoli scandal, [37] as well as his role in the scandal's investigation, [nb 2] and the 26 July 2006 decision to award third-placed Inter Milan the 2005–06 Serie A title after penalties for the other clubs, [40] [nb 3] were controversial. [nb 4] Rossi was an avowed supporter of Inter Milan, [63] an association football club of which he served as a member of the board of directors from 1995 to 1999. [64] He was accused of partiality and conflict of interest, [65] charges that Rossi denied. [66] [67] In an interview with the Corriere della Sera, former FIGC president Franco Carraro said that Rossi, with regard to the assignment of the title, had been badly advised by the experts, the Three Sages ( Gerhard Aigner, Massimo Coccia, and Roberto Pardolesi), he appointed. Aigner denied this, saying that his task and that of the other two experts was to verify whether the statutes and regulations of UEFA, FIGC, and Lega Calcio allowed for the possibility of creating a different standings after the penalty of some clubs. According to Aigner, the rules granted this possibility and the task of experts was limited to confirming it to Rossi who, once he had acquired the legal opinion, autonomously decreed the assignment of the scudetto. [68] [nb 5]
Telecom Italia's new chairman, Guido Rossi, said Sunday that the group was strong and 'an example of modern capitalism.' But Rossi was quoted by La Repubblica as saying he had to extract the group from 'the risk of renationalization.'
Olimpia, the holding company that owns 18 percent of Telecom Italia, omitted the company's chairman, Guido Rossi, from a list of proposed new board members that was made public Wednesday. Telecom Italia shareholders will elect a new board, which will then choose the chairman from among its members, at a meeting [on 15 or 16 April] ... Rossi has served as the top Italian stock market regulator, and his reputation for being impartial during corporate battles helped put him above the fray that has surrounded Telecom Italia for most of the past year.
Rossi said during an interview with the daily la Repubblica on Friday that Tronchetti Provera had decided to fired [ sic] him because Rossi had not defended the interests of the phone company's controlling shareholder and had become 'dangerous.'
Tronchetti Provera ousted Guido Rossi, considered by many in Milan financial circles to be one of the country's top turnaround gurus for troubled companies, last week because of differences on strategy. ... Tronchetti Provera, who was chairman of Telecom Italia until September, had said he was willing to consider offers for TIM Brasil, but the potential sale was immediately shelved when Rossi succeeded him. Rossi and others criticized the move because TIM Brasil is the only part of Telecom Italia's business that is growing and continues to have room to expand.
'First of all, we must have the courage to affirm a reality: this summer's procedure gave birth to an authentic legal abort. When I speak of 'legal abort' I take full responsibility for what I say. When you want to complete a procedure in two weeks that would take at least 6 months just for a correct investigative process, it can only result in a legal abort. When, for reasons of time, a degree of judgment is received, when the defendants are prevented from bringing witnesses, dossiers and films in their defence, but only 15 minutes are allowed for a defence, one can only speak of legal abort. When the defence lawyers of the accused are not granted the full texts of the wiretaps, alleging that they are not pertinent, we can only speak of legal abort. Finally, when a title is disassigned to a club, Juventus, to assign it to another, Inter Milan, before the verdict of the first preliminary iter [justice proceedings] is pronounced, then we are well beyond legal abort. It's not a problem of ordinary or sporting justice: in any country that defines itself as civil, any penalties and sanctions must be imposed after a guilty verdict has been recorded, never before. And don't talk to me about UEFA regulations or lists to be given to the same for the European cups: the rights of the accused, including that of being able to defend themselves with the means that the law makes available to them, come before a football match. ... I, on my own, can only reiterate the concept already expressed: a penalty of 8/10 points, a fine, and a ban of Moggi and Giraudo for 10/12 months, this was the appropriate penalty in my opinion. Any parallel with the story of 1980 is unthinkable: here there're no traces of offence, nor of money or checks. The environmental offence isn't a crime covered by any code, unless we're talking about air pollution.'
Juventus has been acquitted, the offending championships (2004/2005 and 2005/2006) have been declared regular, and the reasons for the conviction of Luciano Moggi are vague; mostly, they condemn his position, that he was in a position to commit a crime. In short, be careful to enter a shop without surveillance because even if you don't steal, you would have had the opportunity. And go on to explain to your friends that you're honest people after the morbid and pro-sales campaign of the newspapers. ... a club has been acquitted, and no one has heard of it, and whoever has heard of it, they don't accept it. The verdict of 2006, made in a hurry, was acceptable, that of Naples was not. The problem then lies not so much in vulgar journalism as in readers who accept the truths that are convenient. Juventus was, rightly or wrongly, the best justification for the failures of others, and it was in popular sentiment, as evidenced by the new controversies concerning 'The System.' But how? Wasn't the rotten erased? The referees since 2006 make mistakes in good faith, the word of Massimo Moratti (the only 'honest'). ... it isn't a question of tifo, but of a critical spirit, of the desire to deepen and not be satisfied with the headlines (as did Oliviero Beha, a well-known Viola [Fiorentina] fan, who, however, drew conclusions outside the chorus because, despite enjoying it as a tifoso, he suffered as a journalist. He wasn't satisfied and went into depth. He was one of the few).
FIGC's actions in relegating Juventus and handing the title to Inter Milan were somewhat peculiar. Of course, Moggi and Juventus deserved punishment; that is not up for dispute. However, the severity of the ruling and the new location for the Scudetto was unprecedented and arguably should never have happened. The final ruling in the Calciopoli years later judged that Juventus had never breached article 6. As a result, the Serie A champions should never have encountered a shock 1–1 draw away to Rimini in the season's curtain-raiser. Nor should they have trounced Piacenza 4–0 in Turin or handed a 5–1 thrashing away to Arezzo in Tuscany. The findings stated that some club officials had violated article 6, but none had originated from Juventus. FIGC created a structured article violation with their decision-making. This means that instead of finding an article 6 breach, several article 1 violations were pieced together to create evidence damning to warrant relegation from Italy's top flight. Article 1 violations in Italian football usually command fines, bans, or points deductions, but certainly not relegation.
[The FIGC sentence] stated perfectly clearly [ sic] that no Article 6 violations (match-fixing/attempted match-fixing breaks the sixth article of the sporting code) were found within the intercepted calls and the season was fair and legitimate, but that the ex-Juventus directors nonetheless demonstrated they could potentially benefit from their exclusive relationship with referee designators Gianluigi Pairetto and Paolo Bergamo. There were, however, no requests for specific referees, no demands for favours and no conversations between Juventus directors and referees themselves.
In a series of consistent courtroom releases, Luciano Moggi's defence team unravelled not tens, not hundreds, but thousands upon thousands of calls between the referee designators and the directors and/or coaches of every team in Serie A and beyond, including Inter. All during the same 'incriminated' period that saw Juventus punished. The code of conduct in 2006 did not oppose dialogue between designators and directors; in fact the league officials encouraged it in order to maintain good relations between teams and the AIA (Italian Referee Association). The calls themselves, as a result, were not always incriminating but their mere existence meant that the theory of Juventus' 'exclusivity' could no longer hold. Up until that point nothing directly incriminating had ever been heard by any director. The new calls that Moggi's lawyers released, however, were full of other directors making referee requests, direct referee contact, proposals for secret meetings between referees and directors in closed restaurants and banks, and so on.
... the motivations in 558 pages are summarized as follows. 1) Championships not altered (therefore championships unjustly taken away from Juve...), matches not fixed, referees not corrupted, investigations conducted incorrectly by the investigators of the Public Prosecutor's Office (interceptions of the Carabinieri which were even manipulated in the confrontation in the Chamber). 2) The SIM cards, the foreign telephone cards that Moggi has distributed to some referees and designators, would be proof of the attempt to alter and condition the system, even without the effective demonstration of the rigged result. 3) Moggi's attitude, like a real 'telephone' boss, is invasive even when he tries to influence the [Italian Football Federation] and the national team, see the phone calls with Carraro and Lippi. 4) That these phone calls and this 'mafia' or 'sub-mafia' promiscuity aimed at 'creating criminal associations' turned out to be common practice in the environment as is evident, does not acquit Moggi and C.: and therefore here is the sentence. ... Finally point 1), the so-called positive part of the motivations, that is, in fact everything is regular. And then the scandal of 'Scommettopoli' [the Italian football scandal of 2011] in which it's coming out that the 2010–2011 championship [won by Milan] as a whole with tricks is to be considered really and decidedly irregular? The Chief Prosecutor of Cremona, Di Martino, says so for now, while sports justice takes its time as always, but I fear that many will soon repeat it, unless everything is silenced. With all due respect to those who want the truth and think that Moggi has objectively become the 'scapegoat'. Does the framework of information that does not investigate, analyze, compare, and take sides out of ignorance or bias seem slightly clearer to you?
However, the accusatory castle exists, built with interceptions expertly selected by the 170,000. That is, there are the famous 'barbecues', or the telephone calls between Moggi and the designator Bergamo, during which the two established the referees to be included in the drawing scheme. Phone calls that have particularly affected the Cassation which cites them as an example of pollution. In short, the fact that other managers (Meani from Milan, Facchetti from Inter, just to give an example, but the list could be long) also called Bergamo to plead their case and explicitly ask this or that referee isn't taken into consideration (Collina, for example...). But then, how many domes were there? The Cassation does not tell us, even if it admits between the lines that 'the system of preparing the grids was quite widespread' and admits that the developments of the behaviors of Meani and Facchetti (explicitly mentioned) 'were not investigated in depth'.
Inter, which were awarded the 2006 league revoked from Juventus, violated Article 6 of the Sports Justice Code, the one about illicits. This is the conviction expressed by the [FIGC's] federal prosecutor, Stefano Palazzi, in the conclusions attached to the device on the open investigation 'as soon as we have received news of the new facts that have emerged and therefore before the complaint presented by Juventus ... The facts are lapsed, but the statute of limitations can be waived', confirms the federal prosecutor.
'I wonder why the Italian media say every possible abomination on the potential conflict of interest of Adriano Galliani, president of Lega [Calcio] and executive of Milan, but don't use the same criterion towards Guido Rossi, extraordinary commissioner of the [Italian Football] Federation and former executive of Moratti's Inter Milan from 1995 to 1999, and of Gigi Agnolin, appointed commissioner of referees but still former executive of Roma from 1995 to 2000 (instead of Moggi, look what a combination).' (Christian Rocca, ilfoglio.it/camillo, 3 July) ... .
Guido Rossi | |
---|---|
Member of the Senate of the Republic | |
In office 2 July 1987 – 22 April 1992 | |
Constituency | Lombardia |
Extraordinary commissioner of FIGC | |
In office 16 May 2006 – 19 September 2006 | |
Preceded by | Franco Carraro (as president of FIGC) |
Succeeded by | Luca Pancalli |
Personal details | |
Born | Milan, Italy | 16 March 1931
Died | 21 August 2017 Milan, Italy | (aged 86)
Political party | Italian Communist Party |
Other political affiliations | Independent Left |
Spouse | Francesca |
Children | 3, including Sara and Livia |
Profession | Jurist, lawyer, politician |
Guido Rossi (16 March 1931 – 21 August 2017) was an Italian jurist, lawyer, and politician.
Rossi was born in Milan on 16 March 1931. [1] He studied at the Ghislieri College from 1948 to 1953, and graduated in law from the University of Pavia. [2] In 1954, he obtained a Master of Laws at Harvard University. [3] As a former professor of commercial law, comparative private law, and philosophy of law in Trieste, Venice, Pavia, and Milan at the Statale, Bocconi, and Vita-Salute San Raffaele universities, he was appointed president of Consob, Italy's equivalent of the Securities and Exchange Commission, [4] in 1981. [3] A member of the Senate of the Republic for the Italian Communist Party and later the Independent Left in the Legislature X of Italy from 1987 to 1992, [nb 1] he was the promoter of antitrust legislation in Italy. [6] He later led Ferruzzi-Montedison, [7] [8] and then Telecom Italia. [9] [10]
For a year in the 2000s, Rossi defended the Dutch bank Abn Amro. [11] [12] In 2003, he defended Cesare Geronzi, the president of Capitalia, who was involved in the Cirio and Parmalat scandals. [13] In 2006, he was appointed extraordinary commissioner of the Italian Football Federation (FIGC) to manage the emergency situation created after the Calciopoli scandal. [3] On 15 September 2006, following the resignation of Marco Tronchetti Provera, [14] he was reappointed president of Telecom Italia, [3] and told a parliamentary committee in Rome that the company would cut its debt to €38 billion by the end of the year from €41.3 billion in June. [15] He held this position until 6 April 2007. [16] [17] [18] In 2008, in an attempt to relaunch the company in crisis of sales, [19] he became a consultant for Fiat. [20] [21]
Rossi was editor-in-chief of the magazines Rivista delle Società and Banca, Borsa e Titoli di Credito, [22] as well as a columnist for il manifesto and Il Sole 24 Ore. [23] On 4 May 2011, he was appointed ethical guarantor of Consob, a position from which he resigned on 26 October 2012. [24] In 2013, he described Bitcoin as "a risky instrument", and compared it to derivatives, and said it "can overturn the rules of capitalism." [25] Rossi died in Milan on 21 August 2017, aged 86. [26] He is survived by his wife Francesca and their daughters Sara and Livia, as well as a daughter from his previous marriage to Alessandra. As an atheist and in line with his personal views, no funeral was held. [5] In 2018, his name was inscribed in the Famedio inside the Monumental Cemetery of Milan. [27] [28] [29]
As the FIGC's extraordinary commissioner in the aftermath of the 2006 Italian football scandal, [30] [31] amid calls to have Marcello Lippi, the then Italy national football team, replaced by the likes of Carlo Ancelotti, Claudio Gentile, and Dino Zoff, Rossi was given the final decision. [32] From the beginning, he wanted to avoid any change, and he ultimately decided to keep Lippi; [33] he said that he had full trust in Lippi. [34] After leading Italy to win the 2006 FIFA World Cup, the team's first World Cup since 1982, despite Rossi's attempts to convince him to stay, saying that "he should remain by popular acclamation because he is the right coach for this national team", [35] Lippi decided to leave, citing insults to himself and his son. [36]
Rossi's stint as the FIGC's extraordinary commissioner during the Calciopoli scandal, [37] as well as his role in the scandal's investigation, [nb 2] and the 26 July 2006 decision to award third-placed Inter Milan the 2005–06 Serie A title after penalties for the other clubs, [40] [nb 3] were controversial. [nb 4] Rossi was an avowed supporter of Inter Milan, [63] an association football club of which he served as a member of the board of directors from 1995 to 1999. [64] He was accused of partiality and conflict of interest, [65] charges that Rossi denied. [66] [67] In an interview with the Corriere della Sera, former FIGC president Franco Carraro said that Rossi, with regard to the assignment of the title, had been badly advised by the experts, the Three Sages ( Gerhard Aigner, Massimo Coccia, and Roberto Pardolesi), he appointed. Aigner denied this, saying that his task and that of the other two experts was to verify whether the statutes and regulations of UEFA, FIGC, and Lega Calcio allowed for the possibility of creating a different standings after the penalty of some clubs. According to Aigner, the rules granted this possibility and the task of experts was limited to confirming it to Rossi who, once he had acquired the legal opinion, autonomously decreed the assignment of the scudetto. [68] [nb 5]
Telecom Italia's new chairman, Guido Rossi, said Sunday that the group was strong and 'an example of modern capitalism.' But Rossi was quoted by La Repubblica as saying he had to extract the group from 'the risk of renationalization.'
Olimpia, the holding company that owns 18 percent of Telecom Italia, omitted the company's chairman, Guido Rossi, from a list of proposed new board members that was made public Wednesday. Telecom Italia shareholders will elect a new board, which will then choose the chairman from among its members, at a meeting [on 15 or 16 April] ... Rossi has served as the top Italian stock market regulator, and his reputation for being impartial during corporate battles helped put him above the fray that has surrounded Telecom Italia for most of the past year.
Rossi said during an interview with the daily la Repubblica on Friday that Tronchetti Provera had decided to fired [ sic] him because Rossi had not defended the interests of the phone company's controlling shareholder and had become 'dangerous.'
Tronchetti Provera ousted Guido Rossi, considered by many in Milan financial circles to be one of the country's top turnaround gurus for troubled companies, last week because of differences on strategy. ... Tronchetti Provera, who was chairman of Telecom Italia until September, had said he was willing to consider offers for TIM Brasil, but the potential sale was immediately shelved when Rossi succeeded him. Rossi and others criticized the move because TIM Brasil is the only part of Telecom Italia's business that is growing and continues to have room to expand.
'First of all, we must have the courage to affirm a reality: this summer's procedure gave birth to an authentic legal abort. When I speak of 'legal abort' I take full responsibility for what I say. When you want to complete a procedure in two weeks that would take at least 6 months just for a correct investigative process, it can only result in a legal abort. When, for reasons of time, a degree of judgment is received, when the defendants are prevented from bringing witnesses, dossiers and films in their defence, but only 15 minutes are allowed for a defence, one can only speak of legal abort. When the defence lawyers of the accused are not granted the full texts of the wiretaps, alleging that they are not pertinent, we can only speak of legal abort. Finally, when a title is disassigned to a club, Juventus, to assign it to another, Inter Milan, before the verdict of the first preliminary iter [justice proceedings] is pronounced, then we are well beyond legal abort. It's not a problem of ordinary or sporting justice: in any country that defines itself as civil, any penalties and sanctions must be imposed after a guilty verdict has been recorded, never before. And don't talk to me about UEFA regulations or lists to be given to the same for the European cups: the rights of the accused, including that of being able to defend themselves with the means that the law makes available to them, come before a football match. ... I, on my own, can only reiterate the concept already expressed: a penalty of 8/10 points, a fine, and a ban of Moggi and Giraudo for 10/12 months, this was the appropriate penalty in my opinion. Any parallel with the story of 1980 is unthinkable: here there're no traces of offence, nor of money or checks. The environmental offence isn't a crime covered by any code, unless we're talking about air pollution.'
Juventus has been acquitted, the offending championships (2004/2005 and 2005/2006) have been declared regular, and the reasons for the conviction of Luciano Moggi are vague; mostly, they condemn his position, that he was in a position to commit a crime. In short, be careful to enter a shop without surveillance because even if you don't steal, you would have had the opportunity. And go on to explain to your friends that you're honest people after the morbid and pro-sales campaign of the newspapers. ... a club has been acquitted, and no one has heard of it, and whoever has heard of it, they don't accept it. The verdict of 2006, made in a hurry, was acceptable, that of Naples was not. The problem then lies not so much in vulgar journalism as in readers who accept the truths that are convenient. Juventus was, rightly or wrongly, the best justification for the failures of others, and it was in popular sentiment, as evidenced by the new controversies concerning 'The System.' But how? Wasn't the rotten erased? The referees since 2006 make mistakes in good faith, the word of Massimo Moratti (the only 'honest'). ... it isn't a question of tifo, but of a critical spirit, of the desire to deepen and not be satisfied with the headlines (as did Oliviero Beha, a well-known Viola [Fiorentina] fan, who, however, drew conclusions outside the chorus because, despite enjoying it as a tifoso, he suffered as a journalist. He wasn't satisfied and went into depth. He was one of the few).
FIGC's actions in relegating Juventus and handing the title to Inter Milan were somewhat peculiar. Of course, Moggi and Juventus deserved punishment; that is not up for dispute. However, the severity of the ruling and the new location for the Scudetto was unprecedented and arguably should never have happened. The final ruling in the Calciopoli years later judged that Juventus had never breached article 6. As a result, the Serie A champions should never have encountered a shock 1–1 draw away to Rimini in the season's curtain-raiser. Nor should they have trounced Piacenza 4–0 in Turin or handed a 5–1 thrashing away to Arezzo in Tuscany. The findings stated that some club officials had violated article 6, but none had originated from Juventus. FIGC created a structured article violation with their decision-making. This means that instead of finding an article 6 breach, several article 1 violations were pieced together to create evidence damning to warrant relegation from Italy's top flight. Article 1 violations in Italian football usually command fines, bans, or points deductions, but certainly not relegation.
[The FIGC sentence] stated perfectly clearly [ sic] that no Article 6 violations (match-fixing/attempted match-fixing breaks the sixth article of the sporting code) were found within the intercepted calls and the season was fair and legitimate, but that the ex-Juventus directors nonetheless demonstrated they could potentially benefit from their exclusive relationship with referee designators Gianluigi Pairetto and Paolo Bergamo. There were, however, no requests for specific referees, no demands for favours and no conversations between Juventus directors and referees themselves.
In a series of consistent courtroom releases, Luciano Moggi's defence team unravelled not tens, not hundreds, but thousands upon thousands of calls between the referee designators and the directors and/or coaches of every team in Serie A and beyond, including Inter. All during the same 'incriminated' period that saw Juventus punished. The code of conduct in 2006 did not oppose dialogue between designators and directors; in fact the league officials encouraged it in order to maintain good relations between teams and the AIA (Italian Referee Association). The calls themselves, as a result, were not always incriminating but their mere existence meant that the theory of Juventus' 'exclusivity' could no longer hold. Up until that point nothing directly incriminating had ever been heard by any director. The new calls that Moggi's lawyers released, however, were full of other directors making referee requests, direct referee contact, proposals for secret meetings between referees and directors in closed restaurants and banks, and so on.
... the motivations in 558 pages are summarized as follows. 1) Championships not altered (therefore championships unjustly taken away from Juve...), matches not fixed, referees not corrupted, investigations conducted incorrectly by the investigators of the Public Prosecutor's Office (interceptions of the Carabinieri which were even manipulated in the confrontation in the Chamber). 2) The SIM cards, the foreign telephone cards that Moggi has distributed to some referees and designators, would be proof of the attempt to alter and condition the system, even without the effective demonstration of the rigged result. 3) Moggi's attitude, like a real 'telephone' boss, is invasive even when he tries to influence the [Italian Football Federation] and the national team, see the phone calls with Carraro and Lippi. 4) That these phone calls and this 'mafia' or 'sub-mafia' promiscuity aimed at 'creating criminal associations' turned out to be common practice in the environment as is evident, does not acquit Moggi and C.: and therefore here is the sentence. ... Finally point 1), the so-called positive part of the motivations, that is, in fact everything is regular. And then the scandal of 'Scommettopoli' [the Italian football scandal of 2011] in which it's coming out that the 2010–2011 championship [won by Milan] as a whole with tricks is to be considered really and decidedly irregular? The Chief Prosecutor of Cremona, Di Martino, says so for now, while sports justice takes its time as always, but I fear that many will soon repeat it, unless everything is silenced. With all due respect to those who want the truth and think that Moggi has objectively become the 'scapegoat'. Does the framework of information that does not investigate, analyze, compare, and take sides out of ignorance or bias seem slightly clearer to you?
However, the accusatory castle exists, built with interceptions expertly selected by the 170,000. That is, there are the famous 'barbecues', or the telephone calls between Moggi and the designator Bergamo, during which the two established the referees to be included in the drawing scheme. Phone calls that have particularly affected the Cassation which cites them as an example of pollution. In short, the fact that other managers (Meani from Milan, Facchetti from Inter, just to give an example, but the list could be long) also called Bergamo to plead their case and explicitly ask this or that referee isn't taken into consideration (Collina, for example...). But then, how many domes were there? The Cassation does not tell us, even if it admits between the lines that 'the system of preparing the grids was quite widespread' and admits that the developments of the behaviors of Meani and Facchetti (explicitly mentioned) 'were not investigated in depth'.
Inter, which were awarded the 2006 league revoked from Juventus, violated Article 6 of the Sports Justice Code, the one about illicits. This is the conviction expressed by the [FIGC's] federal prosecutor, Stefano Palazzi, in the conclusions attached to the device on the open investigation 'as soon as we have received news of the new facts that have emerged and therefore before the complaint presented by Juventus ... The facts are lapsed, but the statute of limitations can be waived', confirms the federal prosecutor.
'I wonder why the Italian media say every possible abomination on the potential conflict of interest of Adriano Galliani, president of Lega [Calcio] and executive of Milan, but don't use the same criterion towards Guido Rossi, extraordinary commissioner of the [Italian Football] Federation and former executive of Moratti's Inter Milan from 1995 to 1999, and of Gigi Agnolin, appointed commissioner of referees but still former executive of Roma from 1995 to 2000 (instead of Moggi, look what a combination).' (Christian Rocca, ilfoglio.it/camillo, 3 July) ... .