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In 1926, Secretary of the Interior Hubert Work commissioned a study of federal administration of Indian policy and the condition of Indian people. Completed in 1936, ''The Problem of Indian Administration''{{ndash}} commonly known as the Meriam Report after the study's director, Lewis Meriam{{ndash}} documented fraud and misappropriation by government agents. In particular, the Meriam Report found that the General Allotment Act had been used to illegally deprive Native Americans of their land rights. After considerable debate, Congress terminated the allotment process under the Dawes Act by enacting the [[Indian Reorganization Act]] of 1934 ("Wheeler-Howard Act"). (However, the allotment process in [[Alaska]] under the separate [[Alaska Native Allotment Act]] continued until its revocation in 1993 by the [[Alaska Native Claims Settlement Act]].)
In 1926, Secretary of the Interior Hubert Work commissioned a study of federal administration of Indian policy and the condition of Indian people. Completed in 1936, ''The Problem of Indian Administration''{{ndash}} commonly known as the Meriam Report after the study's director, Lewis Meriam{{ndash}} documented fraud and misappropriation by government agents. In particular, the Meriam Report found that the General Allotment Act had been used to illegally deprive Native Americans of their land rights. After considerable debate, Congress terminated the allotment process under the Dawes Act by enacting the [[Indian Reorganization Act]] of 1934 ("Wheeler-Howard Act"). (However, the allotment process in [[Alaska]] under the separate [[Alaska Native Allotment Act]] continued until its revocation in 1993 by the [[Alaska Native Claims Settlement Act]].)
Yessz It Wasz

Despite termination of the allotment process in 1934, effects of the General Allotment Act continue into the present. For example, one provision of the Act was the establishment of a trust fund, administered by the [[Bureau of Indian Affairs]], to collect and distribute revenues from oil, mineral, timber, and grazing leases on Native American lands. The BIA's alleged improper management of the trust fund resulted in litigation, in particular the ongoing case [[Cobell v. Kempthorne]], to force a proper accounting of revenues.
Despite termination of the allotment process in 1934, effects of the General Allotment Act continue into the present. For example, one provision of the Act was the establishment of a trust fund, administered by the [[Bureau of Indian Affairs]], to collect and distribute revenues from oil, mineral, timber, and grazing leases on Native American lands. The BIA's alleged improper management of the trust fund resulted in litigation, in particular the ongoing case [[Cobell v. Kempthorne]], to force a proper accounting of revenues.



Revision as of 19:32, 19 May 2009

The Dawes Act was enacted on February 8, 1887 regarding the distribution of land to Native Americans in Oklahoma. Named after its sponsor, U.S. Senator Henry L. Dawes of Massachusetts, the act was amended in 1891 and again in 1906 by the Burke Act. The act remained in effect until 1934.

  • Section One authorizes the President to survey Native American tribal areas and divide the arable land into sections for the individual. It says that the head of each Native American family may receive 160 acres (0.65 km2) if the land is "advantageous for agricultural and grazing purposes", and an ADDITIONAL 160 acres (650,000 m2) allottment if the land is "only valuable for grazing purposes" (that is, 320 acres of land "only valuable for grazing purposes" instead of 160 of land that was usable for BOTH farming and/or grazing). Single individuals and orphans were allotted 80 acres (320,000 m2) each, and all "other single individuals" (this implicitly includes minors) were allotted 40 acres (160,000 m2) each.
  • Section Two states that each (adult) Native American will select his or her own allotment, and the "heads-of-families" will select for their minor children. The Native American agent will select for orphan children.
  • Section Four provides that Native Americans not residing on their reservation and Native Americans without reservations will receive the equal allotment. It also specifies that the fees for the officers of the land-office will be paid out of the [United States] Treasury (rather than by the Native American individuals).
  • Section Five provides that a Secretary of the Interior will hold the allotments "in trust" for 25 years (during which time the land may not be sold or transferred to any other individual), or longer if the President should choose at any time to extend the period. At that time, the title will belong to the allotment holder or heirs. It also allows the Secretary to negotiate under existing treaties for the land not allotted to be purchased on "terms and conditions as shall be considered just and equitable between the United States and said tribe of Indians." This section also provides that any land left unallotted after the land-allocation has been completed, may, with the consent of the tribe to which they belong, and ratification of the sale by Congress, be sold to the Secretary of the Interior, for an agreed-upon price. All such lands "adapted to agriculture" must then be sold to settlers to raise homesteads, and all proceeds from these sales held (with interest) and used for the "education and civilization" of the tribe from which the land was purchased. There is also a provision for the granting of 160 acres (650,000 m2) tracts to religious and educational institutions already located on Native American land, for continued religious or educational use. Finally, there is a provision stating that "those Indians who have availed themselves of the provisions of this act and become citizens of the United States shall be preferred" for "public service" jobs (such as "Indian police") among their tribes or bands.
  • Section Six states that upon completion of the land patent process, the allotment holder will become a United States citizen and "be entitled to all the rights, privileges, and immunities of such citizens".
  • Section Nine appropriates the funds to carry out the act.
  • Section Eleven contains a provision for the Southern Ute Native Americans that they could move from their present reservation in Southwestern Colorado to a new reservation if a majority of the adult male members wanted so.

Effects

The land granted to most allottees was not sufficient for economic viability, and division of land between heirs upon the allottees' deaths resulted in land fractionalization. Most allotment land, which could be sold after a statutory period of 25 years, was eventually sold to non-Native buyers at bargain prices. Additionally, land deemed to be "surplus" beyond what was needed for allotment was opened to white settlers, though the profits from the sales of these lands were often invested in programs meant to aid the American Indians. Native Americans lost, over the 47 years of the Act's life, about 90 million acres (360,000 km²) of treaty land, or about two-thirds of the 1887 land base. About 90,000 Indians were made landless. [1]

The Dawes Act, with its emphasis on individual land ownership, also had a negative impact on the unity, self-government, and culture of Indian tribes. [1]

By dividing reservation lands into privately-owned parcels, legislators hoped to complete the assimilation process by forcing the deterioration of the communal life-style of the Native societies and imposing Western-oriented values of strengthening the nuclear family and values of economic dependency strictly within this small household unit (Gibson, 1988).

In 1906 the Burke Act (also known as the forced patenting act) further amended the GAA to give the Secretary of the Interior the power to issue allotees a patent in fee simple to people classified ‘competent and capable.’ The criteria for this determination is unclear but meant that allotees deemed ‘competent’ by the Secretary of the Interior would have their land taken out of trust status, subject to taxation, and could be sold by the allottee. The allotted lands of Indians determined to be incompetent by the Secretary of the Interior were automatically leased out by the Federal Government. [2] The act reads:

...the Secretary of the Interior may, in his discretion, and he is hereby authorized, whenever he shall be satisfied that any Indian allottee is competent and capable of managing his or her affairs at any time to cause to be issued to such allottee a patent in fee simple, and thereafter all restrictions as to sale, encumbrance, or taxation of said land shall be removed.

The use of competence opens up the categorization, making it much more subjective and thus increasing the exclusionary power of the Secretary of Interior. Although this act gives power to the allottee decide whether to keep or sell the land, provided the harsh economic reality of the time, lack of access to credit and markets, liquidation of Indian lands was almost inevitable. It was known by the department of interior that virtually 95% of fee patented land would eventually be sold to whites (Robertson, 2002).

The allotment policy depleted the land base, ending hunting as a means of subsistence. According to Victorian ideals, the men were forced into the fields to take on the woman's role and the women were domesticated. This Act imposed a patrilineal nuclear household onto many traditional matrilineal Native societies. Native gender roles and relations quickly changed with this policy since communal living shaped the social order of Native communities. Women were no longer the caretakers of the land and they were no longer valued in the public political sphere. Even in the home, the Native woman was dependent on her husband. Before allotment, women divorced easily and had important political and social status for they were usually the center of their kin network. With this act, women were sold as prostitutes for land. To receive the full 160 acres (0.65 km2), women had to be married.

In 1926, Secretary of the Interior Hubert Work commissioned a study of federal administration of Indian policy and the condition of Indian people. Completed in 1936, The Problem of Indian Administration– commonly known as the Meriam Report after the study's director, Lewis Meriam– documented fraud and misappropriation by government agents. In particular, the Meriam Report found that the General Allotment Act had been used to illegally deprive Native Americans of their land rights. After considerable debate, Congress terminated the allotment process under the Dawes Act by enacting the Indian Reorganization Act of 1934 ("Wheeler-Howard Act"). (However, the allotment process in Alaska under the separate Alaska Native Allotment Act continued until its revocation in 1993 by the Alaska Native Claims Settlement Act.) Yessz It Wasz Despite termination of the allotment process in 1934, effects of the General Allotment Act continue into the present. For example, one provision of the Act was the establishment of a trust fund, administered by the Bureau of Indian Affairs, to collect and distribute revenues from oil, mineral, timber, and grazing leases on Native American lands. The BIA's alleged improper management of the trust fund resulted in litigation, in particular the ongoing case Cobell v. Kempthorne, to force a proper accounting of revenues.

Contemporary Interpretations

Angie Debo's landmark work, And Still the Waters Run: The Betrayal of the Five Civilized Tribes (completed 1936, published 1940), detailed how the allotment policy of the Dawes Act (as later extended to apply to the Five Civilized Tribes through such devices as the Dawes Commission and the Curtis Act of 1898) was systematically manipulated to deprive the Native Americans of their lands and resources. [3] In the words of historian Ellen Fitzpatrick, Debo's book "advanced a crushing analysis of the corruption, moral depravity, and criminal activity that underlay white administration and execution of the allotment policy." [4]

John LaVelle of the University of New Mexico contends that Ward Churchill's interpretation of a "blood quantum" dimension in the Dawes Act is "sorely lacking in historical/factual veracity and scholarly integrity." LaVelle contends that the Act contains no blood quantum requirement, and that such requirements were adopted voluntarily by tribes, and not imposed by the US government. LaVelle asserts that the "main flaw of this federal/tribal conspiracy theory is that it rests on and propagates demonstrably false information concerning the contents and impact of the General Allotment Act." Addressing the larger issues of "assimilation" under the Dawes Act, Robert Trennert of Arizona State University has described it as an "alternative to extinction."

See also

References

  1. ^ a b Case DS, Voluck DA (2002). Alaska Natives and American Laws (2nd ed. ed.). Fairbanks, AK: University of Alaska Press. pp. 104–5. ISBN  9781889963082. {{ cite book}}: |edition= has extra text ( help)
  2. ^ Bartecchi D (2007-02-19). "The History of "Competency" as a Tool to Control Native American Lands". Pine Ridge Project. Retrieved 2008-11-06.
  3. ^ Listing for And Still the Waters Run at Princeton University Press website (retrieved January 9, 2009).
  4. ^ Ellen Fitzpatrick, History's Memory: Writing America's Past, 1880-1980 (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 2004), ISBN 067401605X, p. 133, excerpt available online at Google Books.

Further reading

  • Debo, Angie. And Still the Waters Run: The Betrayal of the Five Civilized Tribes (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1940; new edition, Norman: University of Oklahoma Press, 1984), ISBN 0691046158.
  • Olund, Eric N. (2002). “Public Domesticity during the Indian Reform Era; or, Mrs. Jackson is induced to go to Washington.” Gender, Place, and Culture 9: 153-166.
  • Stremlau, Rose. (2005). “To Domesticate and Civilize Wild Indians”: Allotment and the Campaign to Reform Indian Families, 1875-1887. Journal of Family History 30: 265-286.
From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia
Content deleted Content added
m Reverted edits by 209.173.1.126 ( talk) to last version by ClueBot
Line 40: Line 40:


In 1926, Secretary of the Interior Hubert Work commissioned a study of federal administration of Indian policy and the condition of Indian people. Completed in 1936, ''The Problem of Indian Administration''{{ndash}} commonly known as the Meriam Report after the study's director, Lewis Meriam{{ndash}} documented fraud and misappropriation by government agents. In particular, the Meriam Report found that the General Allotment Act had been used to illegally deprive Native Americans of their land rights. After considerable debate, Congress terminated the allotment process under the Dawes Act by enacting the [[Indian Reorganization Act]] of 1934 ("Wheeler-Howard Act"). (However, the allotment process in [[Alaska]] under the separate [[Alaska Native Allotment Act]] continued until its revocation in 1993 by the [[Alaska Native Claims Settlement Act]].)
In 1926, Secretary of the Interior Hubert Work commissioned a study of federal administration of Indian policy and the condition of Indian people. Completed in 1936, ''The Problem of Indian Administration''{{ndash}} commonly known as the Meriam Report after the study's director, Lewis Meriam{{ndash}} documented fraud and misappropriation by government agents. In particular, the Meriam Report found that the General Allotment Act had been used to illegally deprive Native Americans of their land rights. After considerable debate, Congress terminated the allotment process under the Dawes Act by enacting the [[Indian Reorganization Act]] of 1934 ("Wheeler-Howard Act"). (However, the allotment process in [[Alaska]] under the separate [[Alaska Native Allotment Act]] continued until its revocation in 1993 by the [[Alaska Native Claims Settlement Act]].)
Yessz It Wasz

Despite termination of the allotment process in 1934, effects of the General Allotment Act continue into the present. For example, one provision of the Act was the establishment of a trust fund, administered by the [[Bureau of Indian Affairs]], to collect and distribute revenues from oil, mineral, timber, and grazing leases on Native American lands. The BIA's alleged improper management of the trust fund resulted in litigation, in particular the ongoing case [[Cobell v. Kempthorne]], to force a proper accounting of revenues.
Despite termination of the allotment process in 1934, effects of the General Allotment Act continue into the present. For example, one provision of the Act was the establishment of a trust fund, administered by the [[Bureau of Indian Affairs]], to collect and distribute revenues from oil, mineral, timber, and grazing leases on Native American lands. The BIA's alleged improper management of the trust fund resulted in litigation, in particular the ongoing case [[Cobell v. Kempthorne]], to force a proper accounting of revenues.



Revision as of 19:32, 19 May 2009

The Dawes Act was enacted on February 8, 1887 regarding the distribution of land to Native Americans in Oklahoma. Named after its sponsor, U.S. Senator Henry L. Dawes of Massachusetts, the act was amended in 1891 and again in 1906 by the Burke Act. The act remained in effect until 1934.

  • Section One authorizes the President to survey Native American tribal areas and divide the arable land into sections for the individual. It says that the head of each Native American family may receive 160 acres (0.65 km2) if the land is "advantageous for agricultural and grazing purposes", and an ADDITIONAL 160 acres (650,000 m2) allottment if the land is "only valuable for grazing purposes" (that is, 320 acres of land "only valuable for grazing purposes" instead of 160 of land that was usable for BOTH farming and/or grazing). Single individuals and orphans were allotted 80 acres (320,000 m2) each, and all "other single individuals" (this implicitly includes minors) were allotted 40 acres (160,000 m2) each.
  • Section Two states that each (adult) Native American will select his or her own allotment, and the "heads-of-families" will select for their minor children. The Native American agent will select for orphan children.
  • Section Four provides that Native Americans not residing on their reservation and Native Americans without reservations will receive the equal allotment. It also specifies that the fees for the officers of the land-office will be paid out of the [United States] Treasury (rather than by the Native American individuals).
  • Section Five provides that a Secretary of the Interior will hold the allotments "in trust" for 25 years (during which time the land may not be sold or transferred to any other individual), or longer if the President should choose at any time to extend the period. At that time, the title will belong to the allotment holder or heirs. It also allows the Secretary to negotiate under existing treaties for the land not allotted to be purchased on "terms and conditions as shall be considered just and equitable between the United States and said tribe of Indians." This section also provides that any land left unallotted after the land-allocation has been completed, may, with the consent of the tribe to which they belong, and ratification of the sale by Congress, be sold to the Secretary of the Interior, for an agreed-upon price. All such lands "adapted to agriculture" must then be sold to settlers to raise homesteads, and all proceeds from these sales held (with interest) and used for the "education and civilization" of the tribe from which the land was purchased. There is also a provision for the granting of 160 acres (650,000 m2) tracts to religious and educational institutions already located on Native American land, for continued religious or educational use. Finally, there is a provision stating that "those Indians who have availed themselves of the provisions of this act and become citizens of the United States shall be preferred" for "public service" jobs (such as "Indian police") among their tribes or bands.
  • Section Six states that upon completion of the land patent process, the allotment holder will become a United States citizen and "be entitled to all the rights, privileges, and immunities of such citizens".
  • Section Nine appropriates the funds to carry out the act.
  • Section Eleven contains a provision for the Southern Ute Native Americans that they could move from their present reservation in Southwestern Colorado to a new reservation if a majority of the adult male members wanted so.

Effects

The land granted to most allottees was not sufficient for economic viability, and division of land between heirs upon the allottees' deaths resulted in land fractionalization. Most allotment land, which could be sold after a statutory period of 25 years, was eventually sold to non-Native buyers at bargain prices. Additionally, land deemed to be "surplus" beyond what was needed for allotment was opened to white settlers, though the profits from the sales of these lands were often invested in programs meant to aid the American Indians. Native Americans lost, over the 47 years of the Act's life, about 90 million acres (360,000 km²) of treaty land, or about two-thirds of the 1887 land base. About 90,000 Indians were made landless. [1]

The Dawes Act, with its emphasis on individual land ownership, also had a negative impact on the unity, self-government, and culture of Indian tribes. [1]

By dividing reservation lands into privately-owned parcels, legislators hoped to complete the assimilation process by forcing the deterioration of the communal life-style of the Native societies and imposing Western-oriented values of strengthening the nuclear family and values of economic dependency strictly within this small household unit (Gibson, 1988).

In 1906 the Burke Act (also known as the forced patenting act) further amended the GAA to give the Secretary of the Interior the power to issue allotees a patent in fee simple to people classified ‘competent and capable.’ The criteria for this determination is unclear but meant that allotees deemed ‘competent’ by the Secretary of the Interior would have their land taken out of trust status, subject to taxation, and could be sold by the allottee. The allotted lands of Indians determined to be incompetent by the Secretary of the Interior were automatically leased out by the Federal Government. [2] The act reads:

...the Secretary of the Interior may, in his discretion, and he is hereby authorized, whenever he shall be satisfied that any Indian allottee is competent and capable of managing his or her affairs at any time to cause to be issued to such allottee a patent in fee simple, and thereafter all restrictions as to sale, encumbrance, or taxation of said land shall be removed.

The use of competence opens up the categorization, making it much more subjective and thus increasing the exclusionary power of the Secretary of Interior. Although this act gives power to the allottee decide whether to keep or sell the land, provided the harsh economic reality of the time, lack of access to credit and markets, liquidation of Indian lands was almost inevitable. It was known by the department of interior that virtually 95% of fee patented land would eventually be sold to whites (Robertson, 2002).

The allotment policy depleted the land base, ending hunting as a means of subsistence. According to Victorian ideals, the men were forced into the fields to take on the woman's role and the women were domesticated. This Act imposed a patrilineal nuclear household onto many traditional matrilineal Native societies. Native gender roles and relations quickly changed with this policy since communal living shaped the social order of Native communities. Women were no longer the caretakers of the land and they were no longer valued in the public political sphere. Even in the home, the Native woman was dependent on her husband. Before allotment, women divorced easily and had important political and social status for they were usually the center of their kin network. With this act, women were sold as prostitutes for land. To receive the full 160 acres (0.65 km2), women had to be married.

In 1926, Secretary of the Interior Hubert Work commissioned a study of federal administration of Indian policy and the condition of Indian people. Completed in 1936, The Problem of Indian Administration– commonly known as the Meriam Report after the study's director, Lewis Meriam– documented fraud and misappropriation by government agents. In particular, the Meriam Report found that the General Allotment Act had been used to illegally deprive Native Americans of their land rights. After considerable debate, Congress terminated the allotment process under the Dawes Act by enacting the Indian Reorganization Act of 1934 ("Wheeler-Howard Act"). (However, the allotment process in Alaska under the separate Alaska Native Allotment Act continued until its revocation in 1993 by the Alaska Native Claims Settlement Act.) Yessz It Wasz Despite termination of the allotment process in 1934, effects of the General Allotment Act continue into the present. For example, one provision of the Act was the establishment of a trust fund, administered by the Bureau of Indian Affairs, to collect and distribute revenues from oil, mineral, timber, and grazing leases on Native American lands. The BIA's alleged improper management of the trust fund resulted in litigation, in particular the ongoing case Cobell v. Kempthorne, to force a proper accounting of revenues.

Contemporary Interpretations

Angie Debo's landmark work, And Still the Waters Run: The Betrayal of the Five Civilized Tribes (completed 1936, published 1940), detailed how the allotment policy of the Dawes Act (as later extended to apply to the Five Civilized Tribes through such devices as the Dawes Commission and the Curtis Act of 1898) was systematically manipulated to deprive the Native Americans of their lands and resources. [3] In the words of historian Ellen Fitzpatrick, Debo's book "advanced a crushing analysis of the corruption, moral depravity, and criminal activity that underlay white administration and execution of the allotment policy." [4]

John LaVelle of the University of New Mexico contends that Ward Churchill's interpretation of a "blood quantum" dimension in the Dawes Act is "sorely lacking in historical/factual veracity and scholarly integrity." LaVelle contends that the Act contains no blood quantum requirement, and that such requirements were adopted voluntarily by tribes, and not imposed by the US government. LaVelle asserts that the "main flaw of this federal/tribal conspiracy theory is that it rests on and propagates demonstrably false information concerning the contents and impact of the General Allotment Act." Addressing the larger issues of "assimilation" under the Dawes Act, Robert Trennert of Arizona State University has described it as an "alternative to extinction."

See also

References

  1. ^ a b Case DS, Voluck DA (2002). Alaska Natives and American Laws (2nd ed. ed.). Fairbanks, AK: University of Alaska Press. pp. 104–5. ISBN  9781889963082. {{ cite book}}: |edition= has extra text ( help)
  2. ^ Bartecchi D (2007-02-19). "The History of "Competency" as a Tool to Control Native American Lands". Pine Ridge Project. Retrieved 2008-11-06.
  3. ^ Listing for And Still the Waters Run at Princeton University Press website (retrieved January 9, 2009).
  4. ^ Ellen Fitzpatrick, History's Memory: Writing America's Past, 1880-1980 (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 2004), ISBN 067401605X, p. 133, excerpt available online at Google Books.

Further reading

  • Debo, Angie. And Still the Waters Run: The Betrayal of the Five Civilized Tribes (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1940; new edition, Norman: University of Oklahoma Press, 1984), ISBN 0691046158.
  • Olund, Eric N. (2002). “Public Domesticity during the Indian Reform Era; or, Mrs. Jackson is induced to go to Washington.” Gender, Place, and Culture 9: 153-166.
  • Stremlau, Rose. (2005). “To Domesticate and Civilize Wild Indians”: Allotment and the Campaign to Reform Indian Families, 1875-1887. Journal of Family History 30: 265-286.

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